"A Grammar of Proto-Germanic", (first-half) by W. Lehmann & J. Slocum, ed.- UTA

Kivik-gravestone in {Sweden) Scania/Skåne is from
the nordic bronze-age. (
Image, courtesy of
Keyo Ghettson, the Proto-Germanic People)
ancient ptolemaic map of northern Germania 

A Grammar of Proto-Germanic (PGmc)

by Winfred P. Lehmann  (University of Texas, Austin)

Jonathan Slocum, ed.

The earliest historical evidence for Germanic (Gmc) is provided by isolated words and names recorded by Latin authors beginning in the 1st century BC. From approximately AD 200 there are inscriptions carved in the 24-letter runic alphabet. 

The earliest extensive Gmc text is the (incomplete) Gothic Bible, translated about AD 350 by the Visigothic bishop Ulfilas (Wulfila) and written in a 27-letter-alphabet of the translator's own design. 

Later versions of the runic alphabet were used sparingly in England and Germany but more widely in Scandinavia, in the latter area down to early moderntimes. All extensive later Germanic texts, however, use adaptations of the Latin alphabet.

Earliest Recorded Germanic Languages

Language Approximate dates, AD
Early Runic 200-600 (ER)
Gothic 350 (GO)
Old-English (Anglo-Saxon) 700-1050 (OE)
Old-High German 750-1050 (OHG)
Old-Saxon (Old-Low German) 850-1050 (OSx)
Old-Norwegian 1150-1450 (ONw)
Old-Icelandic 1150-1500* ('OÍs' is based on Icelandic's own name for Icelandic, "íslenska")
Middle-Netherlandic 1170-1500* (MNL)
Old-Danish 1250-1500* (ODa)
Old-Swedish 1250-1500* (OSw)
Old-Frisian 1300-1500* (OFr)

The Gmc languages are related in the sense that they can be shown to be different historical developments of a single earlier parentlanguage. Although for some languagefamilies there are written records of the parentlanguage (e.g., for the Romance languages, which are variant developments of Latin), in the case of Gmc no written records of the parentlanguage exist. 

Much of its structure, however, can be deduced by the comparative-method of reconstruction (a reconstructed language is called a protolanguage; reconstructed forms are marked with an asterisk /*/). 

For example, a comparison of Runic (Ru) -gastiz, Gothic gasts, Old-Norse, (ON) gestr, Old-English (OE) giest, Old-Frisian, (OFr)  iest,(pronounced /yest/) and Old-Saxon, (OSx) and Old-High German, (OHG) gast 'guest' leads to the reconstruction of Proto-Germanic, (PGmc) *gastiz. 

Similarly, a comparison of Runic horna, Gothic (GO) haúrn (Note the acute-accent's placement, whether over a or u in the digraph au: [only phonetic approximations are given here] GO /aú/= a non-diphthongized form of /oa/ in boat: /áu/= /ou/ is house. I refuse to proofread this entire grammar in order to accentuate certain Gothic vowels, or for any language, too tedious), and ON, OE, OFr, OSx, and OHG horn 'horn' leads scholars to reconstruct the PGmc form *hornan.

Such reconstructions are, in part, merely formulas of relationship. Thus, the Proto-Germanic *o of *hornan in this position yielded in Gothic and o in the other languages. In other positions (e.g., when followed by a nasal sound plus a consonant) *o yielded u in all the languages: Proto-Germanic *dumbaz,(all adjectives given here, & [virtually in all writings on Indo-European "IE" languages]  are inflected in the following mode; masculine-gender, singular-number & nominative-case, verbs, usually in the infinitive. This is referred to as the "citation-form". This is the main form given in dictionary-entries, etc.)("citationform[websource] The form of a linguistic item which is given when it occurs on its own. Often the form used for a dictionary entry, typically the nominative of nouns and the infinitive of verbs {in English and German}.) Gothic dumbs, Old Norse dumbr, OE, OFr, and OSx dumb, OHG tumb 'dumb.' 

What may be deduced is that this vowel sounded more like /u/ in some environments, but like /o/ in others; it may be written as *uo, with the tilde /~/ indicating that it varied between these two pronunciations.

The above example shows that such reconstructions are more than mere formulas of relationship; they also give some indication of how Proto-Germanic (PGmc) actually sounded. Occasionally scholars are fortunate enough to find external confirmation of these deductions. 

For example, on the basis of Old-English cyning, Old Saxon and Old High German kuning 'king,' the Proto-Germanic *kuningaz (the nominal -*az-ending is composed of 2 bound morphemes, the /*a/ is the theme or stemvowel and the /-*z/, usually the strong & many athematic masculine [often in many athematic feminine nominals & in the PIE s-stem neuter nouns]  nominative-case marker. It's cognate with other early Indo-European (IE) tongues, e.g., Lat. /-s/ in /-us/, Gr. /-s/,in /-os/ Sanskrit, /-s/ in /-as/ and Icelandic [Faroese, normative grammar, included]] is the only living Gmc language to have preserved this ancient IE nominal *s-ending. Proto-Germanic inherited & soundshifted the Indo-European from /*-s/ to /*-z/ [Grimm's law]. 

Then by Late-North-Germanic [Norse], this intervocalic & terminal /*-z-/ & /*-z/ became the unknown sound represented by the rune algiz, now, often with an uppercase-r, /-R/. The -R is employed only word-terminally]. By the time the latin-alphabet started being widely used, so were /*-z-/, /*-z/ & /-R/ become /-r-/, id est, fully rhotacized

In all Gmc languages [but East-Germanic "EGmc", e.g., Gothic, Vandalic, Rugian, Lombardic, etc.] experienced a not-uniquely-Gmc [archaic-Lat. fuesunt, classical Lat. fuerunt, "they were"] phenomenon where medial & terminal /z/, often written /s/ change to /r/, in early Runic, which is not proto-Norse,['was/were' ,Gothic hausjan/, OE híeran/, Sw. /höra/] but, in Late-Proto-Northwest Gmc, there was a transition-sound between the original /*z/ to the new /r/. 

We can only guess what is sounded like. This sound was represented by the rune algiz which originally represented /*z/, then the unknown transition-sound, which is written /R/ in the Lat. alphabet. PGmc *dagaz, Proto-North-Germanic "PNGmc" [or Proto-Norse], *dagaR, classic ["Saga-Norse"] western Old-Norse dagr, modern-Icelandic inserted a -u- to ease pronunciation, dagur. This phenomenon in called 'rhotacism' K.Doig) is t can be reconstructed; this would seem to be confirmed by Finnish kuningas 'king,' which must have been borrowed from Germanic at a very early date.


The Proto-Indo-European verb seems to have had five moods (indicative, imperative, subjunctive, injunctive, and optative), two voices (active and mediopassive), three persons (first, second, and third), three numbers (singular, dual, and plural), and several verbal nouns (infinitives) and adjectives (participles). 

In Germanic these were reduced to indicative, imperative, and subjunctive moods; a full active voice plus passive found only in Gothic; three persons; full singular and plural forms and dual forms found only in Gothic; and one infinitive (present) and two participles (present and past). The Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system (present, imperfect, aorist, perfect) was reshaped to a single tense contrast between present and past.

Modern-day Scania & eastern Denmark, the Germanic urheimat's groundzero

The past showed two innovations:
In the "strong" verb, Germanic transformed Proto-Indo-European ablaut into a specific tense marker (e.g., Proto-Indo-European *bher-, *bhor-, *bher-, *bhr- in Old English beran 'bear,' past singular bær, past plural bææron, past participle ge/boren).

In the "weak" verb, Germanic developed a new type of past and past participle (e.g., Old English fyllan 'fill,' past fylde, participle gefylled). Weak verbs fell into three classes depending on the syllable following the root (e.g., OHG full-e-n [from *full-ja-n] 'fill,' mahh-o-n 'make,' sag-e-n 'say'). Gothic also had a fourth class: full-no-da 'it became full.'

Many Proto-Germanic strong verbs showed a consonant alternation between *f and *b, and *d, *x 'kh' and *h, and *s and *z that was the result, through Verner's law, of the alternating position of the Proto-Indo-European accent. In this particular word, English has generalized the *s (now z): 'freeze,' 'froze,' 'frozen.' 

German has generalized the *z (now r): frieren, fror, gefroren. And Netherlandic still shows the alternation: vriezen, vroor, gevroren. English has kept the alternation in only one verb: singular was, plural were. Traces of it still survive, however, in a few now isolated forms: seethe and its old past participle sodden, lose (Proto-Germanic *s) and its old past participle (for)lorn (Proto-Germanic *z).

A Grammar of Proto-Germanic
Winfred P. Lehmann
Jonathan Slocum, ed.

Copyright © 2005-2007 by the Linguistics Research Center,
University of Texas at Austin.
All Rights Reserved

This grammar of Proto-Germanic is designed to provide a comprehensive but concise treatment of the language from approximately 2500 B.C. to the beginning of our era. All linguistic components are taken into consideration. 

The pragmatic component is dealt with in the Introduction, and to some extent in chapter six (on semantics and culture), in which the semantic semantic component is the major topic; chapters two to five treat the grammatical component, with separate chapters devoted to phonology, inflectional morphology, derivational morphology, and syntax.

Discussion of details, as of special forms of words, is kept to a minimum on the grounds that these are better presented in etymological and other dictionaries, or in editions of texts. Similarly, only major or distinctive works on the grammar are listed. 

Treated since the early days of historical linguistics in the early nineteenth century, as by Jacob Grimm in four large volumes, a full bibliography is enormous; it can be accessed through bibliographic journals like those of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft or the Modern Language Association as well as the International Linguistic Bibliography.
early Germanic metalwork
However extensive earlier work may have been, it was devoted almost entirely to phonology and inflectional morphology. Accordingly, Proto-Germanic was not conceived as a whole, nor as a characteristic structure: it was treated as a reflex of the Indo-European reconstructions presented by leading specialists of the past like Brugmann and Meillet.

But, as can scarcely be stated too frequently, Brugmann was explicit in pointing out that his Indo-European was not the result of historical reconstruction but rather a compilation of comparable data in its dialects, especially Sanskrit, Greek and Latin. 

When Proto-Germanic was related to such a compilation, it was assumed to be a direct reflex of the material published by Brugmann and others applying the same principles, rather than the reflex of an earlier language.

We assume a single Germanic language, with a common core of speakers, on the basis of elements common to all its dialects such as ablaut in phonology, comparable inflection of nouns, adjectives, pronouns and verbs, comparable syntactic structure, and comparable vocabulary (e.g. for kinship terms). We also assume that speakers of its dialects left that common core at different times, as is clear from linguistic data. 

Germanic does not reflect the augment, which must have been introduced into Indo-Iranian, Greek and Armenian after the Indo-European community began breaking up. Accordingly, Brugmann's compilation is based largely on data of a stage that does not apply to Germanic.

A realistic reconstruction of Proto-Germanic, then, must be made largely on the basis of evidence from its dialects. Treatment of that evidence also requires consideration of such matters as the period of time after the flourishing of the proto-language when the dialect was attested, the type of material that has survived, much of which is translated from Greek and Latin, and the body of data, most of which is ecclesiastical. 

Yet among the various protolanguages that have been reconstructed, PGmc may be one of the most realistic because of the highly detailed examination of the attested material over the past two centuries. 

The relative retention of vocabulary and grammatical structure as determined from study of the other Indo-European dialects, and the relevance of the reconstruction to the civilization as postulated on the basis of archeological and historical data.

Proto-Germanic Grammar 

1.1. Definition of Proto-Germanic

Proto-Germanic (PGmc) is the reconstructed language from which the attested Germanic dialects developed; chief among these are Gothic (Go.) representing East Germanic, Old Norse (ON) representing North Germanic, and Old English (OE), Old Saxon (OS), and Old High German (OHG) representing West Germanic.

 PGmc is distinguished from the other Indo-European languages by phonological innovations such as the change of consonants characterized by Grimm's Law, by morphological innovations such as the introduction of the dental preterite and the n- declension of adjectives, by syntactic innovations such as the large number of modal auxiliaries, and by numerous additions to its lexicon.

As a reconstructed language, Proto-Germanic is not attested in texts; the material on which it is based is found in the attested dialects that developed from it. A yet earlier stage, reconstructed as Proto-Indo-European (PIE), includes means to account for and also to explain the reconstruction.

 That is to say, the beginnings of PGmc are assumed to overlap with the late stages of PIE, and data from later developments in Germanic dialects compared with evidence from PIE provides the basis for a grammar of PGmc comparable to those for languages spoken today, if not so detailed. 

PGmc may be dated from approximately 2500 B.C. to the beginning of our era, a period during which it underwent numerous changes.
Our grammar is arranged in three traditional systems:
  • the phonological system (chapter 2);
  • the syntactic system (chapters 3, 4, 5);
  • the semantic system (chapter 6).
The semantic system is presented in relation to the cultural context of the reconstructed language.
Our knowledge of the phonological system and of the morphological component of the syntactic system is relatively good because much of the energy devoted to Germanic linguistics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was directed at these areas. 

Sentence patterns and the semantic system have received far less treatment; as a result, presentation of these requires considerable attention, especially their interpretation in accordance with general linguistic principles that have been developed in recent years. 

While the resulting grammar of Proto-Germanic may be less assured in some respects than are grammars of attested languages, it is represented here in compact form on the basis of the available data


Crim.Go.Crimean Gothic
f. or fem.feminine
Lett.Lettish (Latvian)
m. or masc.masculine
MEMiddle English
MHGMiddle High German
NENew English
NHGNew High German
NLGNew Low German
nt. or neut.neuter
OCSOld Church Slavonic
OEOld English
OFris.Old Frisian
OHGOld High German
OIr.Old Irish
OLat.Old Latin
ONOld Norse
OPruss.Old Prussian
OSOld Saxon
OSVObject Subject Verb
OSwed.Old Swedish
OVObject Verb
OVSObject Verb Subject
pl. or plur.plural
pret.preterite (i.e. past)
sg. or sing.singular
SOVSubject Object Verb
SVOSubject Verb Object
VOVerb Object
VOSVerb Object Subject
WGmcWest Germanic

1.2. The Available Data
The only textual material contemporary with [late] Proto-Germanic is recorded in classical authors, or maintained in borrowings into other languages as exemplified by Finnish kuningas 'king'. Classical texts chiefly include proper names, such as Khariomēros in Greek and Langobardi in Latin texts. This material has been assembled and interpreted, as by Kluge (1913:5-47). 

Also important are the earliest Runic inscriptions; while they tend to be longer than the discrete Germanic items recorded in other languages, they are restricted in content and structure. Their language is archaic, though many can be dated only a few centuries before the time of other materials recorded in Germanic dialects such as Old English; few precede the time of our Gothic texts.
These materials provide the earliest data, but the most comprehensive data are provided in texts of Gothic, Old Norse/Old Icelandic, Old English, Old Saxon, and Old High German written in the first millennium A.D. 

Other dialects, such as Old Frisian, have fewer materials. The modern Germanic languages have generally developed so far from Proto-Germanic that they provide little evidence for its description; for most purposes, only the earliest texts can be used.

 In the reconstruction of the phonological system, morphologically isolated forms in the "everyday vocabulary" are highly important. An example is Go. faíhu, ON fé, OE feoh, OS fehu, OHG fehu 'cattle', on the basis of which PGmc *fehu is reconstructed. When possible, as here, the reconstruction is shown with comparable forms in other languages, such as Lat. pecu 'herd', Skt páśu, Lith. pẽkus.
Inflected forms in the everyday vocabulary are similarly important for reconstructing the morphological system; among these are verbs like ON bīta, OE bītan, OS bītan, OHG bītan 'bite' and Go. (and-)beitan,(Go. ei =i  in machine) 3rd sg. pret. and-bait, 3rd pl. pret. and-bitan(note no macron/accent, the i is short), past ptc. and-bitans. 

On the basis of these, PGmc *bītanan and comparable forms are reconstructed and supported by cognates such as Gk pheídomai 'I separate'. 

Another example is Go. bairan, bar, baurun, baurans, (au in Go = o in boat, áu=ou in house) and comparable forms for ON bera, OE beran, OS beran, OHG beran, from which PGmc *beranan and the other forms are reconstructed, supported by cognates such as Lat. ferō 'I bear'. 

For these and other verbs, as well as nouns, adjectives and pronouns, the entire set of grammatical forms is reconstructed. In this way the morphology of Proto-Germanic is identified, as well as its phonology.

Conclusions may be supported by examination of borrowed forms, such as OE scrīfan, OS scrīban, OHG scrīban 'write'. Since these are inflected like inherited forms such as PGmc *bītanan, they may seem to be native and not borrowed forms. 

But the Latin cognate scrībere has the same medial consonant as OHG scrīban; moreover the initial consonantal cluster scr is rare in Germanic, so that the assumption of a borrowing is supported. 

Such borrowings also support identification of the phonological elements in the items involved, like the -ī- in the Germanic forms, since the phonological structure of Latin is well known.

Other borrowings are often difficult to interpret, such as those taken from Germanic into Finnish. It has been assumed that some of these were adopted in Finnish before the Germanic consonant shift. 

By this assumption, Finnish kana versus the Proto-Germanic form of ON hane 'rooster' would have maintained the voiceless velar stop of Proto-Indo-European before the Germanic consonant shift. But the k- of kana can also be interpreted as a substitute for PGmc x- < h-, a phoneme not found in Finnish. 

By the interpretation of Finnish k- as a substitute for the shifted phoneme, the borrowing may have been relatively late. Secure conclusions can therefore be based on borrowings only when there is corrobative information of a relationship between the groups of speakers concerned.

 The reconstructed syntax is based on sentences in the earliest texts, especially Runic inscriptions such as the Gallehus inscription of the early 5th century: ek hlewagastiz holtijaz horna tawido "I Hlewagastir (of) Holtijan  horn I-made" 'I Hliugast of Holt made the horn'. 

The line is representative of Germanic word order, even though it is constructed in accordance with poetic principles as may be noted by comparing lines in the Old Icelandic Song of Weland such as line 4: drósir suðrœnar, dýrt lín spunno, "women southern dear linen (they) spun" 'southern women, they were spinning expensive linen'. 

In both examples, the verbs occupy final position in accordance with the arrangements of SOV (Subject Object Verb, often referred to as OV) languages. Metrical requirements may have led to other patterns, such as the placement of the adjective suðrœnar after its noun, in contrast with the typical pre-positioning of adjectives in OV languages as exemplified by dýrt

As in these examples, conclusions regarding syntactic patterns are examined in accordance with typological principles; these assist in identifying patterns modified for stylistic or metrical reasons. 

Typological principles have been applied in the reconstruction of the phonological and morphological as well as syntactic components. The semantic system is similarly reconstructed.

The presence of words for cattle, sheep, goats, horses, etc., indicates use of domestic animals, which in turn provides evidence for the social context in which PGmc was spoken. 

Moreover, the word for linen is found in all the Gmc languages, lein in Gothic and līn in the others; it can therefore be reconstructed for Proto-Germanic, where its presence evidences the cultivation of flax for use in the production of clothing. 

The early texts, then, provide ample data for reconstructing the phonological, grammatical and semantic systems of Proto-Germanic. These are proposed on the basis of well-established methods, as stated in the next section. 

The data for the social context are supplemented by descriptions in classical texts, chiefly Caesar's Gallic War and Tacitus' The Germania and by information from archaeological discoveries.

1.3. The linguistic methods
Three methods are used to identify earlier elements: the comparative method, the method of internal reconstruction, and the examination of residues; the results of these are then considered in accordance with topological principles determined in the general study of languages. 

These principles are especially important in the reconstruction of syntax, but they apply also for the other components: expletives like "hmpf", for example, would not be taken into consideration when a phonological system is reconstructed. 

Morphological features and paradigms are reconstructed with reference to patterns that are attested in the declensional and conjugational systems of many languages.

 1.3.1. The comparative-method 
Using the comparative method, comparable forms in related languages are examined and earlier items are reconstructed on the basis of similarity in form, in distribution, and in relation to other elements. 

Examples were provided in the previous section. The reconstruction of PGmc t on the basis of Gothic, OE, and OHG forms provides a more complex example. 

Five positions are illustrated: Initial before vowels Medial after -r-, -l-, -n- Intervocalic Initial before -r- After tauto- syllabic s- Go. tagr 'tear' hairto 'heart' itan 'eat' trauan 'trust' standan 'stand' OE tēar, heorte, etan, trūwian, standan; OHG (z=ts)zahar, herza, ezzan, trūēn, stantan.

The comparable forms of t in Gothic and OE, supported by the same forms in the last two OHG words, provide evidence for reconstructing Proto-Germanic *t

Further examination of particular developments in OHG leads to explanation of the z, zz in the first three words, and in this way supports the assumption of Proto-Germanic t. 

1.3.2. The Method of Internal Reconstruction 
Through use of internal reconstruction, earlier elements and patterns are identified using paradigmatic variations in a language. 

The procedures are based on the observation that sound change takes place in specific phonological environments, regardless of morphological classes or paradigms. 

If phonological alternations are found within morphological paradigms, it may be possible to reconstruct the earlier situation. 

Examples may be taken from OE verbs: cēosan 'choose' cēas, curon, coren /gecoren: sēoðan 'boil' sēað, sudon, sodden, The variation in the second consonant of these verbs is not found in the majority of Old English verbs, e.g. cēowan 'chew' cēaw, cuwon, cowen/gecowan: grīpan, 'grab' grāp, gripon, gripen/gegripen On the basis of lack of variation in the majority of verbs, it may be proposed without comparison of material in other Indo-European languages that the s : r and ð : d developed from earlier single sources. 

Efforts to identify those sources may be guided by related forms like OE cost 'object of choice' or by examination of subsequent forms like NE seethe. The earlier consonants are then posited as s and ð

The importance of the method of internal reconstruction lies in its applicability to data in one language alone. Its use permits reconstruction of earlier forms from forms that themselves are reconstructed, as for example in a language like Proto-Indo-European. 

1.3.3. The Use of Residues
Residues are elements that are found among the common items of a language. Differing forms of these may be learned by children before they master the systems by which regular elements are constructed, such as the forms of man : men, woman : women in contrast with less common words like span : spans, woolen : woolens. 

Explanation of the plurals of man and woman and other such forms may then be proposed, such as that they were at one time formed by modification of the stem vowel through the process known as umlaut.(also called i-shift, vowel-mutation, vowel-shift).

Conclusions based on residues may be more problematic than conclusions based on use of the comparative method or the method of internal reconstruction, but they can also be supported by earlier forms of such words if cognates are attested. 

Residues may also appear in morphological items. For example, Go. wait 'I know' and witum 'we know' have the forms of the preterite, although the glosses obviously indicate the present-tense. 

An explanation may be found by adducing the weak verb Go. witan 'keep watch over'; comparison with it suggests that the root meaning is 'see'. The forms wait : witum then are accounted for through a shift in meaning from 'I/we have seen' to 'I/we know'. 

The further assumption then may be drawn that, at an earlier stage, the form providing the preterite in Germanic indicated a state resulting from completed action. In this way the preterite forms with present meaning are accounted for, as well as their basis. 

1.4. Examination of the results of such applications by general or typological principles

As suggested above in reference to syntactic elements, application of these methods is carried out with constant attention to general principles that are based on analysis and description of all known languages. 

Before a brief account of these is given, it should be noted that the historical grammars of Proto-Indo-European and the Indo-European languages produced in the past two centuries are based primarily on the grammars of Sanskrit, Greek, and to a lesser extent Classical Latin. 

In accordance with this basis, Proto-Indo-European(PIE)   is assumed to have had eight cases in its nominal system and an extensive verbal system. 

As a result of this assumption, explanations were required for the smaller number of cases in the Germanic languages and for its system of (only) two tenses, among other features. This basis can no longer be maintained, in part due to the reason proposed for its assumption. 

The preeminent Indo-Europeanists Brugmann and Meillet stated that their central works, Brugmann's Grundriss (1897-1916) and Meillet's Introduction (1937), are not grammars that represent an earlier language but rather are summaries of the data found in the Indo-European dialects. 

In making that statement, Brugmann added that a historical approach was preferable, but that the time for it had not yet come. More than a century has passed since then, and the time has indeed come. 

As stated above, historical grammars must now be produced on the same basis as grammars of contemporary languages. Accordingly, a grammar of Proto-Germanic must be a description of the language from approximately 2500 B.C. to the beginning of the common era, as noted above. 

A grammar of PIE  must be a description of the language from approximately 5000 B.C. to 2500 B.C. A grammar of the still earlier stage, Pre-Indo-European, must be a description of the language spoken from approximately 8000 B.C. to 5000 B.C. 

In reviewing below the current methods for providing and supporting descriptions of all languages, those methods of central importance for reconstructing Pre-Indo-European are given first. They continue procedures that were inaugurated in the 19th century and are generally referred to as "typological." 

1.5. Specific Language-Types
 Specific types have been determined for all the components of languages, but those of special importance concern the semantic system and the syntactic system. Each has an effect on other systems of the language in question, as will be noted in the following sections.

1.5.1. Government and Agreement-Languages
 Until recently it was taken for granted that all languages were like English, in which government is central. For example, verbs govern nouns and pronouns, as in See her. So do ad-positions, as in with her

No distinction is made in English grammar between nouns and verbs with animate and inanimate reference, so that I see the dog and I see the fire have the same pattern. All the major languages spoken today are structured in this way, from Chinese and Japanese through Hindi and Arabic to the languages of Europe.

But in turning attention to many of the Amerindian and African languages, and to languages spoken by small groups elsewhere, as in the Caucasus, a different basic structure has been identified. In such languages, agreement is central rather than government. 

Two fundamentally different types of language are then recognized: government-languages (GL's) and agreement-languages (AL's). Much of the investigation leading to this understanding was carried out by Soviet linguists (cf. Klimov 1983); they refer to the approach as "contentive," that is, based on content rather than form. 

In this approach, the semantic system is central. Each type has two sub-types. For government-languages, these are nominative/accusative (often referred to as nominative or as accusative) and ergative; for AL's, these are active and class. 

In class-languages, nouns and verbs are marked with affixes that represent semantic-classes like humans, trees, and tools, such as Sesotho mo- for person in mo-tho, se- for tree in se-fate, n- for dog in n-tjá (Demuth 2000:273). 

In AL's, nouns and verbs are classified either as representing animate/active or as representing inanimate/stative items or processes, such as the prefix o- with active verbs like 'run' o-jan 'is running', and the prefix i- with words like 'good' i-katu 'is good' (Seki 1990:369). 

Sentences are constructed by pairing animate nouns and verbs that agree in classification rather than by government, as of verbs accompanied by objects. 

The discovery and description of AL's is highly important for Indo-European studies because Pre-Indo-European (PIE) can now be identified as an agreement-language of the active-type.

In Pre-Indo-European as an Active Language there were three parts of speech: nouns, verbs, and particles. There was no inflection. 

In the typical sentence pattern, verbs were final: items corresponding to objects preceded them. If there were overt subjects, they preceded objects and any adverbial elements. 

Relationships were indicated by particles. In the course of time, some particles came to be attached to nouns and others to verbs; the combinations resulted in the inflections of Proto-Indo-European. 

While Proto-Indo-European was a Government Language, and Proto-Germanic as well, residues of the earlier Active stage may be expected in accordance with section 

1.3.3 above.
Some of these have been maintained to the time of Proto-Germanic, of which two are noted here. Active languages distinguish between inclusive and exclusive pronouns, so that a form corresponding to we could either include or exclude reference to the hearer as well as the speaker, that is, 'I and you' or 'I and others, but not you'

Prokosch (1939:282) pointed out that many languages make this distinction, such as "most Australian languages, nearly all of the Austronesian and most of the Dravidian group...", and he proposed that Proto-Indo-European had, as well; in this way he accounted for the use of PIE *we- for the first person plural in Germanic, as in Go. weis 'we' and as second plural pronoun in Latin vōs (this could also be simple semantic-shift. vos or uos, the letter v was ALWAYS pronounced as W in Engl. water, & is often written with a u, vir/uir. Same with in the classical literary [western] Old-Norse, of the Sagas. It was also called Old-Norwegian/Old-West Norse or Old-Icelandic.The letter v was w until c.1200 and in East-Norse, Dan & Swed, it was written w & pronounced w until c.1500 AD. After c. 1500, the W/V became pronounced v. W & V still used interchangeably as late as the late 19th century. ) 'you', and also in the Gothic second person plural dative and accusative form izwis '(to) you' — citing, as well, forms from other Indo-European languages. He provided a description, but not an explanation. 

An explanation is now provided by the assumption that the twofold use is a residue from the Active stage of Pre-Indo-European, where forms of *we- indicated the inclusive meaning 'I and you'. As another "residue," Proto-Germanic has few adjectives that are inherited from Proto-Indo-European. 

In Active languages, stative verbs take the place of adjectives. Contentive typology in this way provides explanations for features of Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic that had been noted, as by Prokosch, but not explained. More such features will be observed in the treatment of the syntactic and semantic systems in chapters 5 and 6.

 1.5.2. VO and OV Languages
Quite independently of these features in the semantic system of Government Languages, characteristic features have been identified that distinguish the syntactic systems of languages. 

These are based on the position of the verb with regard to the object. As VO languages, English and the major European languages have the verb placed before the object. Many other languages, such as Japanese and Turkish, place the verb finally: they are OV languages. 

Subsets of these types are based on the placement of subjects, yielding six syntactic types. Biblical Hebrew, like the Semitic languages in general, places verbs initially, so that it is a VSO language, in contrast with the European SVO languages of today. 

Similarly there are two types of OV languages, SOV and OSV. Final position of subjects, yielding VOS and OVS languages, is rare, as are languages of the OSV type. Syntactic and morphological elements are arranged in accordance with the two basic types. 

As a general principle, modifiers are placed outside the central structure, whether OV or VO, so that adjectives, genitive modifiers and relative clauses typically stand before nouns in OV languages, but after them in VO languages. 

Similarly, verbal modifiers, like markers of tense, mood and person, stand before verbs in VO languages, vs. after them in OV languages. Further, adpositions, like verbs, are placed before nouns as prepositions in VO languages but after them as postpositions in OV languages.

And comparative constructions place the item compared, referred to as the standard, in accordance with the position of the object, often including a particle as in Japanese are yori kare ga takai 'that from this is expensive = this is more expensive than that'. 

Few languages are consistent. For example, adjectives stand before nouns in modern English, and older forms of English included more such inconsistencies.

They reflect the still earlier situation of Proto-Indo-European, which had OV structure. Observation of the various patterns provides clues on the history of a language. French, for example, places adjectives after nouns, and is accordingly more consistently VO than English. 

It has developed farther from the OV structure of Proto-Indo-European than has English. In examining the syntactic development of language, I some time ago proposed that when a language is adopted by many non-native speakers, it tends to become SVO. 

Modern Spoken Arabic for example, in contrast with VSO Classical Arabic, has become an SVO language. The shift of the Germanic languages from the OV structure of Proto-Indo-European to the VO structure of the modern dialects provides us with data on their social context through the past five millennia or so, as does that of Greek and Latin. 

We know from historical sources, such as Livy's History of Rome, that Latin was adopted by many speakers of other languages, such as Etruscan; its shift to VO structure may be credited to such adoptions. The shift in the Germanic languages is similarly explained. 

1.6. The Phonological Structure of Languages 
The principles of phonological structure have long been determined. Elements are grouped by phonetic value and distribution. In this way the [t] of stand is grouped with the [t] of tan, even though the latter is aspirated while the former is not; the (shared) functional sound, or "phoneme," is labelled /t/. 

Similarly, the [ts] of the Japanese word for one, hitotsu, is grouped with the [t] before [o] because [ts] stands only before [u] while [t] stands before [e a o]; both are variants ("allophones") of the phoneme /t/, in contrast with the different phonetic elements indicated between brackets such as Japanese [ts].

In current historical grammars, the phonological elements proposed are usually phonemes. Brugmann on the other hand proposed some phonetic elements for Proto-Indo-European; for example, on the assumption that some occurrences of Proto-Indo-European s were voiced, he included z as well as s in his system (1897:72).

These and his other phonetic elements, like þ and ð, are no longer accepted as distinct phonemes in Proto-Indo-European. Two subsets of phonemes are proposed for a language: the consonants and vowels are referred to as segmental; pitch and stress are referred to as supra-segmental. 

While modern English, German and so on have a stress system, the accentual system of early Proto-Germanic was based on pitch, as is that of the Chinese languages today.

 1.7. The Syntactic Structure of Languages
Two systems are subsumed by syntactic structure: the morphological system and the system of sentences. The morphological system deals with the inflection and derivation of words.In traditional grammars the inflectional sub-system enjoys by far the most extensive presentation, and so-called exceptions are treated in detail. 

In this grammar, only the major inflections are presented (chapter 3); occasional forms that may be variations of individual items are assumed to be treated in dictionaries, including etymological dictionaries. 

The derivational elements are presented similarly (chapter 4). The system of sentences deals with the structure of the sentence and its elements. These are presented (chapter 5) in accordance with the principles discussed in section 1.4 above.

The earliest data in the dialects indicate that Proto-Germanic was an OV language; sentences as well as the morphological systems include residues of Indo-European Active structure. 

The treatment of such elements is critical for understanding the relation of Germanic to the other Indo-European languages, and for understanding its relation to Proto-Indo-European.

 1.8. The Semantic Structure of Languages
The semantic structure of a language is least often viewed as a system. Groups of elements are recognized, such as kinship terms, but for the most part the vocabulary is divided into general groups such as terms for nature, for foods, for the household, and so on. 

In this way vocabulary reflects the culture and the social structure of the speakers, supplementing the information obtained from texts, from archaeological findings, and to some extent from genealogical findings.

1.9. The Relationship of Germanic to the Other Indo-European Languages
The relationship of the Germanic language group to other language groups can only be determined by evidence in the languages. The closest language groups to Germanic are the Balto-Slavic, the Italic, and the Celtic. Yet, unlike Indo-Iranian, Greek, and Armenian, which have the augment as a common innovation as well as extensive verbal inflection, these four western groups lack any common phonological or morphological innovations. 

They share common vocabulary items, more for instance between Germanic and Italic than between Germanic and Celtic. Some of these may be attributed to a relatively late date, such as the name of a grain, either wheat or spelt, Lat. far, ON bǫrr,(our word bar-ley) and the name of the goat, Lat. haedus, Go. gaits, as well as that of the male goat, Lat. caper, ON hafr

Similarly, the Germanic words in common with Celtic indicate contacts between the two groups, but not major innovations; among them is a word for wagon, OIr. fēn,(Goidelic-Celtic usually change the PIE w-sound to f, e.g., Lat. vír/uír, OE, wér, ON, verr, Gaulish Celtic, wiros but modern Irish & Scottish-Gaelic fear. K.Doig) ON vagn, and a word for traveling (ride), Irish rīadaim, OE rīdan. 

Among vocabulary items common to Germanic and Baltic are the words for eleven and twelve, which are innovations of the pattern "one/two left over" — Go. ainlif, Lith. vienúolika 'eleven' & Go. twalif, Lith. dvýlika 'twelve' — and words for movement, OE gengan, (also gangan or gongan, but NOT gán) Lith. źengiù 'go, stride'.

Other examples are given by Porzig (1954:106-147), some of which will be examined in the last section of this grammar. In view of the absence of common innovations shared among other dialects, such as the augment, I assume that Germanic broke off independently — early — from Proto-Indo-European. 

Its archaic structure has been pointed out variously, as for instance in my article on the conservatism of Germanic phonology (Lehmann, 1953) and in subsequent publications. 

1.10. The Development of Germanic
The development of Latin provides the model for understanding the expansion of the other Indo-European dialects. In its early form, it was the language of a small group of speakers in northern Italy in the eighth century B.C. 

Among other language groups at the time, that of the speakers of Etruscan was probably the largest. In the course of the following centuries, Latin was adopted by those groups, including also speakers of Celtic languages in the north, of Venetic, of Oscan and Umbrian, and even of Greek in the south, so that at the beginning of our era Latin was the most prominent language in the Italian peninsula.

 The bases for its expansion can only be imagined, but among them was military competence, as may be assumed from the account of the historian Livy. Other Classical historians, among them Herodotus, have provided material on various groups of speakers elsewhere, such as those north of the Black Sea; but for none of their languages do we have information comparable to Livy's for Latin.

The earliest description of the Germanic group of speakers was provided by Julius Caesar for the middle of the last century B.C., in the sixth section of his work on the Gallic wars, which with Tacitus' Germania of 98 A.D. remains central for any description of Germanic culture. It may be concluded, then, that the Germanic group of speakers developed somewhat independently of the other Indo-European dialect groups.

For a long time, the group may have been relatively small; but whatever the size, it was coherent at the time of the Germanic consonant shift for, unlike the later High-German consonantshift, the earlier shift was carried through consistently among all speakers of Proto-Germanic, as was also the adoption of the dental preterite for weak verbs. 

Such consistently adopted changes can only have been introduced and generally carried out in a group that was in close intercommunication. 

Only after the Germanic shift did sub-groups develop: the speakers of Gothic, Old Norse, Old English, Old High German, and so on. As separate groups, they introduced innovations leading to the dialects that later became independent languages.

 PHONOLOGY 2.1. The Phonological System
The phonological system is presented in two sub-systems: the consonants & vowels making up the segmental sub-system, and the accentuation & basis of the syllabic structure making up the supra-segmental sub-system. 

Both sub-systems of Proto-Germanic, like other reconstructed languages, are determined largely by the comparative method. The method of internal reconstruction is also important in determining the earlier accentual system of Proto-Germanic, which then is supported by comparison with those of Indo-Iranian and Greek.

The development of the elements of a phonological systems is affected in part by the syllabic structure of the language. The syllabic structure of Proto-Germanic is still evident in the earliest Runic inscriptions, which show that many of the syllables were open; the closed syllables for the most part ended in resonants, as illustrated by the Gallehus inscription: ek hle-wa-ga-stiz hol-ti-jaz hor-na ta-wi-do.

The initial position of obstruents, g-, h-, t-, d-, illustrates why the first consonant shift was universally carried through except in clusters like st-: their position in the syllable was similar. 

The only syllable closed by an obstruent is the first. But its cognates, Latin egō and Greek égō, provide evidence that the early Proto-Germanic form was *e-ga > *e-ka > *ek as supported by Runic inscriptions, e.g. on the Ellestad stone. 

The form ek in turn provides evidence that late Proto-Germanic had a stress accent and that unstressed final vowels were lost after the consonant shift had taken place, as illustrated also by words recorded in the dialects such as Gothic haurn

Further evidence for an initial stress accent in the dialects is provided by the poetry which, like the inscription above with its three syllables beginning with h, was alliterative.

2.2. The Segmental Phonemes of Proto-Germanic
The consonant system consists of ten obstruents, i.e. stops and fricatives, and six resonants. In the early stage of the language, each of the obstruents had the same pronunciation in its various locations, although the voiceless stops may already have been followed by aspiration except when after /f s χ/. Later, /b d g/ had fricative allophones when medial between vowels. 

The fricatives, notably /s/, may have developed voiced allophones in voiced contexts, and by late Proto-Germanic /z/ was phonemic. When between consonants, the resonants /w m n r l y/ had vocalic allophones in early Proto-Germanic, which developed to /u um un ur ul i/ in the language's later stages.

The vocalic system consisted of eight vowels and four diphthongs. The low-back vowel, indicated below by the symbol a, is lower than that of the later dialects, as may be illustrated by the Gothic representation in haurn 'horn'.
Consonants: Labials Dentals Velars
Stops: p b t d k g
Fricatives: f þ s [z] χ [h]
Resonants: m n
w r l y

Vowels: i ī u ū
e ē a ō
Diphthongs: ei ai eu au
Examples are as follows.

Consonant System
/p/ as in PGmc *déupaz 'deep', cf. Go. diups, ON djūpr, OE dēop, OHG tiuf
/b/ as in PGmc bōks 'tablet' > 'book', cf. Go. bōka, ON bōk, OE bōc, OHG buoh
/f/ as in PGmc fōts 'foot', cf. ON fōtr, OE fōt, OHG fuoz

/t/ as in PGmc *téuχanan 'to push', cf. Go. tiuhan, OE tēon, OHG ziohan
/d/ as in PGmc *durez 'door' n.pl., cf. Go. daúr, ON dyrr n.pl., OE duru
/þ/ as in PGmc þrsúz 'dry', cf. Go. þaúrsus, ON þurr, OE þyrre, OHG durri

/k/ as in PGmc kŕnam 'grain', cf. Go. kaúrn, ON korn, OE corn, OHG corn
/g/ as in PGmc gárdiz 'garden', cf. Go. gards, ON garđr, OE geard, OHG gart
/χ/ as in PGmc χŕdiz 'wattle', cf. Go. haúrds, ON hurđ, OS hurth, OHG hurd

/s/ as in PGmc *sunōn 'sun', cf. Go. sunnō, ON (poetic) sunna, OE sunna, OHG sunno
[z] as in PGmc méyzaz 'more', cf. Go. máiza, ON meiri, OE māra, OHG mēro

/m/ as in PGmc *maχtiz 'might', cf. Go. mahts, ON māttr, OE meaht, OHG maht
/n/ as in PGmc *naχts 'night', cf. Go. nahts, ON nātt, OE neaht/niht, OHG naht
/w/ as in PGmc *waganaz 'wagon', cf. Crim.Go. waghen, ON vagn, OE wægn
/r/ as in PGmc *reχtaz 'right, straight', cf. Go. raíhts, ON rēttr, OS reht, OHG reht
/l/ as in PGmc *langaz 'long', cf. Go. lagg, /la:ng/, ON langr, OE long, OHG lang
/y/ as in PGmc *jēran 'year', cf. Go. jēr, ON ār,(Sw/No/Da år /o:r/) OE gēar, /yahr/. OHG jār

Vocalic System
Short vowels:
/i/ as in PGmc *witum 'we know', cf. Go. witum, ON vitom, OE witon, OHG wizzum
/e/ as in PGmc *erþō 'earth', cf. Go. aírþa, OE eorþe, OHG erda
/a/ as in PGmc *af 'from', cf. Go. af, ON af, OE of, OHG aba, ab
/u/ as in PGmc *ufar 'over', cf. Go. ufar, ON yfir, OE ofer, OHG ubir, ubar

Long vowels:
/ī/ as in PGmc *swīnaz 'pig', cf. Go. *swein, ON svīn /swi:n/ or /sween/, OE swīn, OHG swīn
/ē/ as in PGmc *sēþiz 'seed', cf. Go. mana-sēþs, ON sāđ, OE sǣd, OHG sāt
/ō/ as in PGmc *flōduz 'flood', cf. Go. flōdus, Run. flodu, ON flōđ, OHG fluot
/ū/ as in PGmc *fūlaz 'foul', cf. Go. fūls, ON fūll, OE fūl, OHG fūl

/ei/ as in PGmc *steig-, cf. Go. steigan /sti;gan/, ON stīga, OE stīgan, OHG stīgan 'climb'
/ai/ as in PGmc *stáig /staig/ or /styg/, cf. Go. stáig /staig/, OE, stág or stáh OHG steig 'climbed'
/eu/ as in PGmc *beudanan, cf. Go. biudan, OE bēodan, OHG biotan 'bid, offer, order'
/au/ as in PGmc *baud-, cf. Go. báuþ, ON bauþ 'offered'

2.3. Relation of the PGmc Segmental Phonemes to those of PIE
The Proto-Indo-European consonants are given here in the standard notation, i.e. p b bh. Proponents of the glottalic theory hold that PIE /b d g/ were glottalics, and that the other two sets had aspirated as well as simple allophones; a principal reason for the theory is the presence of relatively few examples of PIE /b/, a situation characteristic of languages with glottalics.

 But nonetheless the theory is not generally accepted; Szemerényi, for example, strongly rejected it (1996:151-154). Moreover, since the relationship among the three elements is maintained, the modifications proposed in the theory are sub-phonemic.

The principal changes that took place between Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic involved the Proto-Indo-European stops. PIE /p t k/ > PGmc /f þ χ/, PIE /b d g/ > PGmc /p t k/, and PIE /bh dh gh/ > PGmc /β ð γ/ [b d g]. Formulated in this way by Jacob Grimm in 1822, the set of changes is referred to as Grimm's Law

In formulating his 'law', Grimm assumed three classes of consonants using Latin labels: Tenues (T) for the voiceless stops /p t k/, Aspiratae (A) for the compound stops /bh dh gh/, and Mediae (M) for the voiced stops /b d g/. This gave rise to the diagram:

↗ ↘

M ← A

The labels as well as the term 'law' were justified in Grimm's view because he assumed that the later consonant changes in Old High German were a continuation of the earlier changes. In the Old High-German changes, voiceless stops (T) became affricates and fricatives, i.e. aspiratae (A) as in the word Pfeife 'pipe', so that his rule still applies: Tenues change to Aspiratae.

Among other changes between Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic is the loss of labio-velars, which became clusters in Germanic or else fell together with other phonemes.

For ease of comparison, the examples are listed below in the same order as those above, that is, by the order of the Proto-Germanic phonemes rather than Proto-Indo-European reconstructions. 

Cognates in the other dialects are provided when examples are readily available, and the same items are given here as in the chart of Proto-Germanic phonemes above.

Consonant System
PIE /b/ > PGmc /p/ as in *deupaz 'deep', cf. Lith. dubùs 'deep', Gaul. Dubno-rix
PIE /bh/ > PGmc /b/ as inbōks 'tablet', cf. Gk phāgós 'oak', Lat. fāgus 'beech'
PIE /p/ > PGmc /f/ as in fōts 'foot', cf. Skt acc. pā́dam, Gk gen. podós

PIE /d/ > PGmc /t/ as in *teuχanan 'pull', cf. OLat. doucō, Lat. dūcō 'I lead'
PIE /dh/ > PGmc /d/, as in *durez 'door', cf. Gk thúrā, Lat. foris 'door'
PIE /t/ > PGmc /þ/ as in *þrsúz 'dry', cf. Lat. torrus, OIr. tur 'dry'

PIE /g/ > PGmc /k/ as in *krnan 'grain', cf. Lat. grānum 'grain', Lith. žìrnis 'pea'
PIE /gh/ > PGmc /g/ as in *gardiz 'yard', cf. Gk χórtos, Lat. hortus 'garden'
PIE /k/ > PGmc /χ/ as in *χrdiz (x=kh) 'wattle', cf. Gk kúrtos 'cage', Lat. crātis 'wicker-work'

PIE /gʷ/ > PGmc /kw/ as in *kwemanan 'come', OHG kweman, cf. Gk baínō, Lat. venio (v=w) from *guenio>uenio
PIE /gʷh/ > PGmc /gw/ as in *singwanan 'sing', Go. siggwan,/singan/ cf. Gk omφḗ /omfay/'oracle'
PIE /kʷ/ > PGmc /hw/ as in *χwat (x=kh)'what', cf. Lat. quod 'what', ON huat/hvat, Icel. hvað, OSw, hwad, OE hwæt, Nynorsk, kva, Dan, hvad, No, hva, Gaelic, cád Span, qué

PIE /s/ > PGmc /s/ as in *sunōn 'sun', cf. Lat. sōl 'sun'
PIE /s/ > PGmc /z/ as in *máizaz 'more', cf. Gk meízōn 'more'

PIE [m] > PGmc /m/ as in *malanan 'grind', cf. Lat. molere
PIE [n] > PGmc /n/ as in *naχts 'night', cf. Skt náktam, Gk gen. nuktós, OE, néaht, ModGk, nyx
PIE [w] > PGmc /w/ as in *waganaz 'wagon', cf. Skt váhanam 'vehicle', Gk óχos 'wagon'
PIE [r] > PGmc /r/ as in *reχtaz 'right, straight', cf. Lat. rectus, Gk orektós 'straight'
PIE [l] > PGmc /l/ as in PGmc *langaz 'long', cf. Lat. longus, Gaulish longo- 'long'
PIE [y] > PGmc /y/ as in *jēran 'year', cf. Av. yārə 'year', Lith. jéras 'yearling lamb', Gk, hora 'period of time'

Vocalic System
PIE /i/ > PGmc /i/ as in *witum 'we know', cf. Skt vidma, Gk ídmen 'we know' proto-Gk *wídmen
PIE /e/ > PGmc /e/ as in PGmc *erþō 'earth', cf. Gk érā 'earth', Welsh erw 'field'
PIE /ə/ > PGmc /a/ as in *faþēr 'father', cf. Gk patḗr, Lat. pater 'father'
PIE /o/ > PGmc /a/ as in *aχtō 'eight', cf. Gk oktṓ, Lat. octō 'eight'
PIE /u/ > PGmc /u/ as in PGmc *ufar 'over', cf. Skt upári, Lat. super 'over'
PIE /ī/ > PGmc /ī/ as in *swīnaz 'pig', cf. Lat. suīnus, OCS svins 'of pig'
PIE /ē/ > PGmc /ē/ as in *sēþiz 'seed', cf. Lat. sēmen, OPruss. semen 'seed'
PIE /ā/ > PGmc /ō/ as in *brōþar 'brother', cf. Skt bhrā́tā, Lat. frāter 'brother'
PIE /ō/ > PGmc /ō/ as in *flōduz 'flood', cf. Gk plōtós 'floating'
PIE /ū/ > PGmc /ū/ as in *fūlaz 'foul', cf. Lith. pū́lias pl. 'pus', Skt pū́tis 'foul', cf., Latinate, pus, putrid

PIE /ey/ > PGmc /ei/ as in *steig- 'climb', Go. -steigan, cf. Gk steíkhō 'climb'
PIE /oy/ > PGmc /ai/ as in *staig- 'climbed', Go. staig
PIE /eu/ > PGmc /eu-/ as in *beud- 'order', cf. Go. biudan /bjúðan/ 'order', cf. Gk peúthomai 'examine'
PIE /ou/ > PGmc /au/ as in *baud- 'ordered', Go. bauþ 'ordered'

2.4. Exceptions to the Major Changes of Consonants
When Jacob Grimm stated his rules, he also noted words in which they did not apply; these have come to be known as exceptions, and there are three sets. In the first set, PIE p t k remained unchanged, as in Gothic speiwan, cf. Lat. spuō 'spit'. In the second set, Proto-Germanic voiced stops corresponded to stops rather than to aspirates in Greek and Sanskrit, as in Gothic dauhtar, Skt duhitā́ 'daughter'.

In the third set, medial fricatives were voiced rather than voiceless in Germanic words with Proto-Indo-European voiceless stops, as in the past tense forms Old English tēah 'he pulled', tugon 'they pulled', cf. Lat. dūcō 'I lead'; modern English has the first form, though without h, in the present tense of the golfing term tee off, and the second in the present tense form with g in tug.

Grimm did not account for the different reflexes; later linguists did, over a half century after the publication of the second edition of his grammar in 1822. 

The explanations for the exceptions illustrate the progressively greater understanding of the relationships within the Indo-European family, and also the greater understanding of language in general.

The first set of exceptions was accounted for relatively soon after Grimm's publications. Knowledge of and attention to phonetics was increasing. Various linguists then noted that the unshifted stops stood after Germanic voiceless fricatives /f s χ/. Examples were readily found, among them:

PIE /p/ = PGmc /p/ as in Go. speiwan, cf. Lat. spuō, Lith. spiáuju 'spit'
PIE /t/ = PGmc /t/ as in Go. -hafts, cf. Lat. captus 'captured', OIr. cacht 'female slave';
also as in Go. steigan, cf. Skt stighnoti, Gk steíkhō 'climb'
PIE /k/ = PGmc /k/ as in Go. skeinan 'shine', cf. Gk skiá 'shadow'

Their position in clusters rather than as independent elements blocked the change.The basis of the second set of exceptions was noted by the young Rudolf von Raumer in 1837; he pointed out that, since Sanskrit does not permit aspirates in two successive syllables, a form like bódhati 'observe' might well come from a root bhudh. But the implications for the Germanic forms were not pursued.

Only with Hermann Grassmann's article of 1863 did it become clear that the problem was not in Germanic but rather in Sanskrit and Greek, an observation that might well have shaken the generally held position that Proto-Indo-European should be largely reconstructed on the basis of data in these two languages. 

The first aspirate generally lost its aspiration, but so might the second, as in the Greek word for daughter, thugátēr. As in the examples below, PIE /bh dh gh/ had become the voiceless aspirates /ph th kh/ in Greek. Examples are:

PIE *bhewdh > PGmc *beud- as in OE bēodan 'order', cf. Skt bódhati 'observe', Gk peúthomai 'examine'
PIE *dhagh > PGmc *dagaz as in Go. dags 'day', cf. Skt dāhas 'heat', Gk téphra 'ashes'
PIE *ghredh > PGmc *gred- as in Go. grēdags 'hungry', cf. Skt gardhas 'greed'

The evidence was so clear that the statement that one of two aspirates in successive syllables in Sanskrit and Greek lost its aspiration came to be known as Grassmann's law; when de-aspirated  the aspirates show up as simple stops. 

As a result of Grassmann's demonstration, linguists came to understand that they had to note successive syllables and entire words, not merely their individual elements.

In the third group of exceptions, Proto-Indo-European medial voiceless stops and medial s became voiced rather than voiceless fricatives in Germanic; the voiced fricatives from stops then became voiced stops in the Germanic dialects, as in the forms below.

PIE -pʹ- > PGmc -b- as in Go. sibun, OHG sibun, cf. Skt saptá, Gk heptá 'seven'
PIE -tʹ- > PGmc -d- as in Go. fadar /faðar/, ON fađir, OE fæder, cf. Skt pitā́, Gk patḗr
PIE -sʹ- > PGmc -z- > -r- as in OE snoru, OHG snura, cf. Skt snuṣā́ 'daughter-in-law'
PIE -kʹ- > PGmc -g- as in OE swæger, OHG swigar 'mother-in-law', cf. Gk hekurā́

The relationship to the position of the accent is established beyond question by noting the consonant variation in strong verb paradigms, e.g. in preterite forms:
OHG, OE, Skt.

1 sg. zeh, táh 'accused' didéśa < *-déika 1 pl. zigum, tigon, didiśimá < *dikimá, Verner (1875) accounted for these exceptions as follows: the Proto-Germanic voiceless fricatives /f θ s χ/ became voiced /v ð z γ/ in voiced surroundings if the preceding syllable did not have the primary stress accent according to its Proto-Indo-European position. 

This formulation, known as Verner's Law, found immediate acceptance, and influenced the views of linguists in numerous ways. Possibly most important, it directed their attention at supra-segmentals.

 Through their many studies of stress and pitch, and of metrical patterns based on these, the journals give abundant evidence of the impact of Verner's article during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. 

Verner's article also gave assurance that the Proto-Indo-European accent was one of movable pitch, and that it survived remarkably long in Germanic as well as in Sanskrit and Greek. Germanic, accordingly, was demonstrated to be more conservative than the thorough-going consonant changes had seemed to indicate. 

With the last of the exceptions accounted for, younger contemporaries of Verner, labeled neo-grammarians by their older colleagues, concluded that sound changes take place without exception in carefully defined environments. 

This view enabled its holders to proceed to the solution of many phonological problems, and has subsequently remained the nucleus of historical-linguistic methodology.

The time-frame of the Germanic consonant-change has been a matter of great speculation. From observations of other comprehensive sound changes, such as the Great English vowelshift, it may be assumed that the Germanic change took place over the course of centuries. 

Because pertinent evidence from borrowings into and out of early Germanic is lacking, there is no external evidence for the date of the Germanic change, and its beginnings can only be tentatively stated as possibly at the end of the second millennium B.C., with its completion after the middle of the first millennium B.C. when comparable shifts of accent were under way in Italic and Celtic. 

This dating receives support from the long maintenance of vowels in final syllables, as in gastiz of the Gallehus inscription, and in the complex development of the Indo-European labio-velars in Germanic.

 2.5. Reflexes of the Indo-European Labio-velars 
The Indo-European labio-velars were long maintained as units in Proto-Germanic. Even as late as the 4th century A.D., Wulfila selected distinct symbols for the voiceless velar in Gothic, that is, the symbol for the numeral 6, which is transcribed |q| in our texts, and also for the aspirated velar , that is, the symbol for 700, which is transcribed in our texts with a ligature based on hʷ. 

But he did not represent [gʷ] with either of the two unused symbols, those for 90 and 900. In time, the three labio-velars developed into velars or into labial resonants or into vowels, even in Gothic. 

The unit phonemes must then have been gradually modified to clusters and thereupon reduced or even lost in the dialects, as illustrated in the following examples: PIE *sekʷ- as in Gk hépomai, Lat. sequor 'follow' : Go. saíhʷan, OHG sehan, OE sēon 'see'; Go. siuns 'face'; OE gesihþ, OHG gisiht 'sight' PIE *gʷem- as in Skt gámati 'go', Lat. veniō 'come' : Go. qiman, OHG queman, ON koma, OE cuman 'come'.

PIE *knej-gʷh- 'bow' as in Lat. cōnīveō 'shut the eyes' : Go. hneiwan, ON hnīga, OE hnīgan, OHG hnīgan 'bow' Because the voiced variant, as in PIE *gʷīwos, Go. qius, ON kvikr, OE cwic(u) 'alive', and in PIE *gʷen-, Go. qino, ON kona, OE cwene 'woman', and in other words was treated like PIE g, holders of the glottalic theory face the problem of accounting for a glottalized labio-velar. 

As illustrated by these examples, the reflexes of the labio-velars vary in the Germanic dialects, so that they must be accounted for in the dialects rather than in Proto-Germanic. 

It may be assumed that they became clusters only late, probably even at the time of the Germanic consonant shift. In that shift, some were treated like Germanic reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European clusters /kw gw gʰw/, as examples of these illustrate. 

PIE *ḱwej-t/d- as in Skt śvetá, Av. spaetō 'white' : Go. hʷeits, ON hvītr, OE hwīt, 'white'. PIE *éḱwos as in Skt áśvas, Gk híppos 'horse' : Go. aihʷa-, OE eoh 'horse'. Treatment also varies, as before vowels. PIE * and *gʷ became PGmc *hw, *kw before front vowels, but h, k before high back vowels, as in ON kona beside Go. qino, OE cwene 'woman', and in OE cucu beside cwic(u) 'alive'.

In verbs as well, the forms may differ from dialect to dialect in accordance with the variant generalized, as illustrated by the principal parts of 'see': 

Infinitive 1/3 sg. Preterite 1 pl. Preterite Past Participle Old English sēon, sēah Anglian sēgon, gesegen, West-Saxon sāwon, sewen Old-Saxon sehan, sah, sāwum, gisewan Old High-German sehan, sah, sāhum, gisewan. The final treatments must be accounted for in the descriptions of the different dialects, such as the -g- of the Anglian preterite form, and the -w- of the West Saxon forms. 

For Proto-Germanic we assume first unit phonemes, then clusters parallel to those that developed from sequences of velars and w, and finally variants of these in differing contexts. 

2.6. Reflexes of the Indo-European Resonants 
The Indo-European resonants /m n r l y w/ were maintained as consonants in Proto-Germanic when initial, as illustrated by the following examples: PIE *mel- 'grind' as in Lat. molō; cf. Go. malan, ON mala, OHG malan 'grind' PIE *nem- 'take' as in Gk némō 'distribute'; cf. Go. niman, ON nema, OE niman, (numb) 'take, accept' PIE *rowdho- 'red' as in Lith. raũdas; cf. Go. ráudái, ON rauðr, OE rēad 'red'. PIE *lejkʷ- 'leave' as in Lat. linquō; cf. Go. leihʷan, ON ljā, OE on-lēon, OHG līhan 'lend'. PIE *wiros 'man' as in Lat. uir, OIr. fer; cf. Go. wair, ON verr, OE wer, OHG wer 'man'. PIE *jeHw- as in Welsh ieu 'younger'; cf. Go. jugga-, OE geong /yong/, OHG jung 'young'.

Here, as in other locations, the reflexes maintain the allophonic variation of the resonants in Proto-Indo-European that was determined by Sievers and subsequently refined by Edgerton; the basis of it is referred to as the Sievers-Edgerton law. Briefly, the law states that the resonants were consonantal initially and medially before vowels, vocalic medially between consonants, and vocalic plus consonantal medially after long syllables, e.g. /y/ [y i iy], /w/ [w u uw], /r/ [r ŗ ŗr] and so on. 

The distribution may be illustrated with examples of /y/: aya kit ātiya -ya, atya -it ktiya ay-, ayt ti- -tiya The distribution was disrupted already in late Proto-Indo-European when, under some circumstances, /ī ū/ developed from /i u/ as in *swīnos 'pig'. It continued into the dialects until the Indo-European situation was completely modified. 

Among other modifications, initial [w] was lost in Greek, as in oîda (certain Gk dialects/proto-Gk foida, woida) = Go. wáit (cf. OE wát & the archaic ModEngl. 'I wot', past-tense 'I wist' 
'I know/knew, cf. wit, wise, wisdom, wistful & Sanskrit Rg [no i in Rig] Veda, 'ved- meaning know, knowledge' K.Doig); there were similar modifications in all of the dialects. The disruption was gradual in Germanic, as illustrated by examples such as the following. Go. skadus, OE sceadu, OHG skato 'shadow' must be reconstructed as PGmc skadwas, cf. OE sceadwian, OHG skatewen 'to shadow'.

The vowel of the final syllable was not lost until final vowels underwent reduction in late Proto-Germanic; [w] thereupon became [u]. Similarly, PGmc *knjam > kunjam > kunjã developed to PGmc *kuni as in Go. kuni, ON kyn, OE cynn, OS kunni, OHG chunni 'race'. 

PGmc -*ã < -*an was lost relatively late; its reflex was still written in the early Runic inscriptions, e.g. Gallehus horna. When after its loss as in *kunjã the preceding -j- became [i], the allophonic variation must still have been current. Further evidence for the consonantal allophone [j] is provided by geminated forms like the -nn- of chunni

[j] must have been maintained until the time of the West-Germanic consonant lengthening, as in the nominative-accusative form PGmc *kunjam or *kunjan, before the loss of -ã. 

Metrical patterns also provide evidence for long maintenance of the earlier allophonic variation. In Old English and in Old Icelandic verse, l m n after short syllables as in OE setl, fæðm, dagn are metrically non-significant, but after long syllables as in OE sūsl, bōsm, bēacn. 

They are counted as separate syllables. We may ascribe the difference in metrics to the earlier allophonic treatment, as between PGmc [setlas] and [sūsļlas]; metrical conventions treating the two patterns differently were apparently established at the time of the variation and maintained after the different treatment was eliminated from the language. In late Old English verse the linguistic patterns outweighed the metrical, so that the old conventions were abandoned. 

2.6.1. Lengthening of Proto-Germanic /j/ and /w/
Long maintenance of the Proto-Indo-European allophonic variation of the resonants is also indicated by a specific development. In a number of words, /w j/ are represented as lengthened in West-Germanic and as clusters of stop plus resonant in North and East Germanic, as illustrated by the following examples: OS gen.pl. eiiere, OHG dat.sg. eiie, Crim.Go. ada < *addja, ON egg 'egg' OE trēow, OS treuua, OHG trēow 'faithfulness', Go. triggws, ON tryggr 'faithful'.

The PGmc forms are reconstructed with lengthened j and w. The process has been treated in many publications; it is referred to as Verschärfung, or as Holtzmann's Law in accordance with the name of an early contributor (Lehmann 1952:36-46). 

Numerous explanations were proposed in the 19th century, as by position of the accent, but then dismissed because they did not apply consistently. Smith (1941) accounted for the lengthening by the presence of Proto-Indo-European laryngeals.

2.6.1a. Evidence for Laryngeals in Proto-Indo-European 
The evidence for the assumption of laryngeals in Proto-Indo-European and the early dialects that is pertinent for explanation of Verschärfung may be summarized briefly. Proto-Indo-European roots are assumed to have had the structure: CeC, as in roots like PIE teg- 'cover'. 

Roots reconstructed with an initial consonant followed by a long vowel were then analyzed with a final laryngeal, such as PIE *dheʔ rather than *dhē 'place', deγ rather than 'give', (s)teχ rather than (s)tā 'stand'. 

Similarly, forms that had been reconstructed with an original long vowel were reconstructed with short vowel plus laryngeal, e.g. Greek ōón with variant in Sappho ṓion, Latin ōvum or ouum 'egg', from PIE *oH- followed by the resonant /j/ in Sappho's form, by /w/ in Latin. 

Similarly, Greek phū́ō 'grow' from PIE bhew 'grow' is assumed to have had a laryngeal suffixed in the variant *bhu-H-, which is reflected in the Sanskrit participial form bhūta- 'grown' < PIE *bhu-H-tó-

Accordingly, forms in other dialects provide evidence for laryngeals that may have been maintained in Germanic. Other forms from such roots have i as reflex of the laryngeal, e.g. Skt bhavitum and the past perfect participles of the three roots above, dhitá, hitá, sthitá. 

Such forms with -i- then provide evidence for positing laryngeals in earlier forms of Germanic and other dialects. Further evidence is found in Sanskrit verbs of the ninth class, such as skunā́ti 'cover' from the extended root (s)kw-n-eχ-, in which -n- is infixed between the root and the laryngeal suffix.

Ninth class verbs give evidence for the a-coloring laryngeal -χ. Bases with laryngeals have acute intonation in Lithuanian verbs, such as káuti 'strike'; cf. Lat. cūdō 'strike'. Such forms provide evidence for the earlier presence of laryngeals in roots and bases with a contiguous w or j. 

The only written evidence for laryngeals is found in the Anatolian languages where the reflexes of some of the laryngeals are indicated as -h- and -hh- (cf. Lehmann 1952:22-35 et passim and Lindeman 1987 for further discussion and bibliography). 

2.6.1b. Reflexes of [j w] in Germanic when Adjacent to Laryngeals
 Germanic cognates of forms with [w y] adjacent to laryngeals are attested with lengthened w and y in the West Germanic dialects. In Gothic and North Germanic, ww developed to ggw; yy developed to ddj in Gothic and to ggj in North Germanic. 

While these developments are of concern in treatment of these dialects rather than in a description of Proto-Germanic, examples of the late Proto-Germanic situation will be given here with cognates in a non-Germanic dialect that indicate evidence for a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal in contact with a resonant. 

Among examples with lengthened -ww- < -wχ- are the Old Saxon form beuuod 'harvest' and ON bygg, dat. sg. byggue 'barley'. Cognates indicating the earlier presence of a laryngeal are Skt bhūtá- and Gk éphūn from PIE *bhew- 'grow' followed by a laryngeal. 

Similarly, Lat. dēfrūtum 'cider' from PIE *bhru- plus laryngeal indicates that OE *brēowan 'brew', ON brugginn 'brewed' must be reconstructed with -ww- from -w- plus laryngeal. OS hreuuan, ON hryggva 'rue' with -ww- in Proto-Germanic have the Sanskrit cognate kravís 'raw meat',(OE hréaw, ON hrá, Sw, Da, No,) in which -i- developed from the laryngeal in PIE *kr-ew-X-. Go. skuggwa 'mirror', ON skuggi, OE scuwo, OHG skuwo 'shadow' have as cognate Skt skunā́ti 'cover', in which the laryngeal is reflected in the long vowel ā of the suffix. 

OE cēowan, ON tyggia 'chew' from PIE *kew-X- have as cognate Lith. žiáunos 'jawbone', in which the laryngeal is indicated by the acute intonation in Lithuanian. Lengthened -jj- developed further to Gothic -ddj- and North Germanic -ggj-. In contrast with -ww- from -*wX-, -jj- developed from both -Xj- and -jX-

An example with lengthened -j- from a preceding laryngeal is Go. daddjan, OSwed. deggia, OHG tāju 'suckle', with cognates illustrating the root dhē in the Sanskrit aorist ádhāt, Gk thḗsato 'sucked' and the sequence dhʔ-y- in the Sanskrit past perfect participle dhī́ta

An example with -yy- from -y- lengthened by a following laryngeal is ON Frigg, the name of Wóden's wife, and OS frī, OHG friia 'free' from PIE *pr-y-X- as in Sanskrit prīnā́ti 'is pleased'. 

Other examples may be found in the handbooks. Some of them have been disputed, as well as the hypothesis that laryngeals survived into Germanic and brought about the lengthening with further development to stops, though the evidence adduced is often slight. But for the items exemplified here, and many others, there is no question of the earlier presence of laryngeals. 

2.6.2. Development of PGmc -g- and -k- in the Neighborhood of Laryngeals with -w-
While -ww- resulted from the combination of -w- plus a laryngeal, in the sequence of laryngeal plus w either -k- or -g- resulted. 

An example is ON nǫkkvi, OE naca, OHG nacho 'boat' which is cognate with Latin nāvis. The situation is complex because Germanic forms with -u- or -w- beside these are also attested, e.g. ON nōr 'ship', naust 'boat-house' and OHG ver-nawun 'boats that carry wood'. 

The difference in development may be ascribed to the treatment of the sequence -*eXw- in Proto-Indo-European. 

As illustrated by the nominative forms Skt náus, Gk naûs and the accusative forms Skt nā́vam, Gk nêa, the laryngeal was lost in the nominative but maintained after -e- in the accusative, and also in the genitive as illustrated by Skt nāvás, Gk nēós, in which the laryngeal was maintained until it resulted in lengthening of the preceding vowel. 

Among other examples are ON kuikr, OE cuic, OHG queh 'alive' with cognates illustrating the laryngeal, such as Skt jīvá, Lat. vīvus 'alive' < PIE *gʷyXw-os. Similarly, ON spic, OE spic, OHG speck 'bacon' with cognates in Skt pī́van, Gk pī́on 'fat' < PIE *spyXw-on. Also OE tācor, OHG zeichur 'brother-in-law-', cf. Skt devŗ́, Gk dāḗr < PIE *daXw-. For other examples, see Austin (1946) and Lehmann (1952:37-42). 

A number of examples in the Germanic dialects also give evidence of -g- < -Xw-: ON bryggia 'pier', OE brycg, OHG brukka 'bridge' beside Gaulish briva 'bridge' and Skt bhrū́ 'bridge' OE iuguð, OHG jugund beside Skt yū́va, gen. yūnás 'youth' Go. sugil, OE sygel beside Skt súvar, Lat. sōl, Gk hēélios 'sun' OSwed. mygg, OE muggia, MHG mucke beside Gk muîa 'midge' In each of these, the sequence of -ug- resulted from a reduced vowel followed by a laryngeal and w

The reason for the difference from sequences resulting in -k- is unclear.Austin ascribed it to absence of chief accent on the preceding vowel; I proposed derivation from different laryngeals. The forms illustrate that, like those resulting from Verschärfung, combinations of laryngeal with w and y resulted in reflexes other than resonants in late Proto-Germanic.

 2.7. The Late Proto-Germanic Vowel System
 By late Proto-Germanic, /i/ and /u/, which earlier were allophones of /j w/, had become separate phonemes. The frequency of /u/ was considerably increased by the addition of [u] from vocalic allophones of /l m n r/, but the short vowel system as a whole was symmetrical in consisting of four members: i u e a. 

2.7.1. The Phonological Status of PGmc
[e] and [i] PGmc /e/ and /a/ were reflexes of vocalic phonemes in Proto-Indo-European; /e/ was a reflex of PIE /e/, PGmc /a/ of late PIE /a o/. When PGmc /i/ and /u/ became phonemes, a fourfold system developed. But in spite of its symmetry in outline, the system was askew because of asymmetries in distribution. 

With its origin in /j/, PGmc /i/ was almost entirely restricted to syllables with weak stress; PGmc /e/ on the other hand was characteristically found in syllables with primary stress. 

Moreover, /i/ was found primarily before obstruents, whereas /e/ occurred before both resonants and obstruents. The two vowels were therefore in great part distributed complementarily. 

It has been suggested that they were allophones of one phoneme, and that a short vowel system of three members should be assumed for late Proto-Germanic (Twaddell 1948). Yet both occurred before /a u/ of following syllables, as in the near minimal pairs: 

PGmc.*etanan > Go. itan, ON eta, OE etan, OHG ezzan 'eat'
PGmc *witanan > Go. witan, ON vita, OE witan, OHG wizzan 'know'
PGmc *wela > Go. waíla, ON, OE wel, OHG wela 'indeed'
PGmc *wilda > Go. wilda, ON vilda 'I wished'

The assumption of a three vowel system is therefore untenable.
On the other hand, since /e/ and /i/ were virtually in complementary distribution, their coalescence would not have been unlikely. It may have occurred in the pre-Gothic vocalic system; in most words PGmc /e/ > /i/, as in itan 'eat', though not before /h r/ and finally, e.g. waír 'man'. 

PGmc /e/ was also maintained in the reduplicating syllables of Class 7 strong verbs in Gothic, e.g. laílōt 'let'. Interjections were unaffected, so that /e/ remained in waíla and /i/ in hiri 'come here'.

Redistribution is also notable in other dialects, as in:
Go. waír, ON verr, OE wer, OHG wer, cf. Latin vir/uir < PIE *wir- 'man' OE nest, OHG nest 'nest' < PGmc *nistǒs, cf. Latin nīdus On the other hand, PIE /e/ > PGmc /i/ before PGmc /i j/ regardless of the rest of the environment, as in:

Go. ist, ON Run. ist, OE is, OHG ist < PGmc *isti, cf. Gk ésti 'is' In keeping with this change, PIE /ej/ > PGmc /ei/ > /ii, ī/ as in:
Go. steigan, ON stīga, OE stīgan, OHG stīgan 'climb', PGmc *stīganan, cf. Gk steíkhō
PGmc /e/ also became /i/ before nasal and consonant, as in:
Go. fimf, ON fimm, OE fīf, OHG fimf 'five', PGmc *fimfe, cf. Gk pénte, Skt páňca 'five'
The change took place sufficiently early so that, upon loss of the nasal, the root of the verb was associated with strong verbs of the first class, as in:
Go. þeihan, OHG dīhan < PGmc *þinχanan 'thrive', cf. Skt tanákti 'coagulate' In syllables without primary stress, /e/ > /i/, as in:
ON alin, OHG elina 'ell', cf. Gk ōlénē 'elbow'
Through such changes, the frequency of /i/ was greatly increased.

2.7.2. The Phonological Status of PGmc [u] and [o]
In the back area there was only one high vowel /u/, with two allophones, [u] and [o]; [u] stood before nasals, as in:

PGmc *χunda, Go. hunda, ON hund-rað, OE hundred, OHG hundert, cf. Lat. centum
PGmc *gumn-, Go. guma, ON gume, OE gume, OHG gomo 'man', cf. Lat. homo
Elsewhere [o] stood before short and long /a/, [u] before other vowels and finally, e.g.

PGmc *dur-, Go. daúr, OE dor, OHG tor 'door', cf. Gk thúrā
PGmc *ufer, Go. ufar, ON yfer, OHG ubir 'over', cf. Skt upári
PGmc *filu, Go. filu, OE feolu, OHG filu 'much', cf. Gk polú

The phonological conditioning gave rise to subsequent variation, as in ON guð 'god' but goda-hus 'temple'. With such variation there was disruption of the original patterns, so that we also find ON goð beside guð and also OE god, OHG got; similarly, we find Go. fugls, ON fugl, OE fugol/fugl, OHG fugal, but also ON fogl, OHG fogal 'bird'. 

As in the high front area, there was a redistribution of [u o] in Gothic, with [o] (au) standing before /h r/ and finally. In the other dialects, /o/ came to be phonemic in a short vowel system of five members.

2.7.3. The Long Vowel System
While the early long vowel system also consisted of four members, the articulation of the two lower vowels differed from those of the short vowels in being relatively low. 

In words with Latin ō, the vowel was raised to ū rather than lowered to ā, as in Go. Rumoneis, corresponding to Lat. Rōmānī, and OHG Rūma, ON Rūma-borg to Lat. Rōma. PGmc bōkān- 'beech' was represented by Caesar as (silva) Bacēnis 'Beechwood'. 

But at the end of the Proto-Germanic period the system was expanded with ā. As one source, [a] was lengthened on the loss of [n] before /χ/, as in the infinitive Go. fāhan, ON fā, OHG fāhan 'seize' beside the preterite ON fingom, OE feng, OHG fieng. 

The loss was late, because the older situation is still attested in the Burgundian name Hanhualdus; and nasalization in Icelandic was still apparent to the First Grammarian, cir. 1200 A.D. (Haugen 1950:33-34). 

Latin borrowings provided a second source as in OSwed. strāta, OHG strāza 'street' from (via) strāta, and OE pāl, OHG pfāl 'pole', from Latin pālas. /ō/ then was raised, as indicated by developments in Old High German and in Slavic borrowings; beside Go. Dōnawi 'Danube', OHG attests the form Tuonouwa, and the Germanic form is taken over in Slavic as Dūnāvi.

2.7.4. Late Proto-Germanic Diphthongs
The early Proto-Germanic phonological system, like that of Proto-Indo-European, included no diphthongs. If vowels had formed diphthongal units with resonants, we would expect characteristic developments for them. 

Yet until late Proto-Germanic, vowels undergo the same developments before resonants as elsewhere; PIE /a o ə/ > PGmc /a/ before /y/ and /w/ as well as in other environments. 

Similarly, PIE /e/ > PGmc /e/ before /w/ as well as before obstruents.
When, however, the Proto-Germanic allophonic variation of resonants began to be disrupted, the lower short vowels came to have distinct allophones before resonants. 

As noted above, [e] > [i] before [j] and thereupon coalesced with it to yield /ī/. Before /w/ it became the first element of a diphthong, as did /a/ before /j/ and /w/, leading to the three diphthongs:

/ew/ as in PGmc *beudanan 'bid, offer, order', Go. ana-biudan, ON bjōđa, OE beodan, OHG biotan
/aj/ as in PGmc ainos 'one', Go. áins, ON einn, OE ān, OHG ein
/aw/ as in PGmc *awkanan 'increase', Go. áukan, ON auka, OE ēacian, OHG ouhhōn

Without an /ej/ diphthong, the system was asymmetrical. The gap was filled for a time by the reflex of a number of sequences that may be represented as /ēy/ but soon was modified, on the loss of /j/, to a vowel represented in grammars as ē² (long e two). 

Its most frequent source is the sequence of /ĕ/ plus laryngeal reflex plus /i/. For example, Go. fēra 'side, part' and OHG fiara 'here' are derived from PIE *sphēj- (Pokorny 1959:983-984). The largest number of examples occurs in preterites of verbs of the seventh class with -ai- plus consonant as the vowel of the present, and also -al/an- and -ē-. 

As noted at greater length in the treatment of these verbs in the section on morphology, the origin of the PGmc -ēj- in the preterite is from PIE -*eXy-; as one example OHG sciet, preterite of sceidan, OE scēd, preterite of scādan 'separate' from PIE *skeXy- plus dental, cf. Lith. skíedžu 'separate'.

Parallelism was lost in the early dialects as the span of the diphthongs was decreased, a process that Prokosch (1939:105-107) related to the strong primary stress. While discussion of these changes is a topic for grammars of the dialects, several examples may be noted here:

PGmc *stainas, Go. stáins, OFris. stēn, OE stān, OHG steinn 'stone'
PGmc *awgan-, Go. áugō, OFris. āga, OE ēage, OHG ouga 'eye'
PGmc *þewb-, Go. þiubs, OE þīof, OHG thiob 'thief'
As exemplified above with OE hēr and cognates, the hypothetical diphthong /ej/ became monophthongal /ē/. Borrowings from Latin with /ē/ adopted this long ē rather than its earlier counterpart, as exemplified in Go. mēs, OHG mias, meas 'table' < Late Latin mēsa < mensa. 

The close articulation of both the new Germanic and the Latin vowels is indicated in the treatment of the Latin vowel in syllables with weaker stress in Germanic, as in OE eced, OS ecid < Latin acētum 'vinegar'. 

Moreover, with the addition of the new close ē, the inherited ē was lowered in many words such as OHG Saat 'seed'. The long vowels then were parallel to the short vowels, each set having five members.

 2.8. The Supra-segmentals of Late Proto-Germanic 2.8.1. 
The Intonation Pattern The supra-segmentals may be determined by several criteria, especially by their use in verse in the dialects. Early verse is alliterative; metrical units consist of individual lines, like that of the Gallehus inscription. 

Lines are based on four highlighted syllables, two or three of which are further marked by agreement of their initial elements. Two, or perhaps one, are so marked in the first half-line, agreeing in alliteration with the major stressed segment in the second half-line. 

Examples may be cited from recurrent patterns, such as the following from the Old English Beowulf. 371 Hrōþgār maþelode, helm Scyldinga, "Hrothgar answered, ruler of Scyldings" 957, Bēowulf maþelode, bearn Ecgþēowes: "Beowulf addressed him born son of Ecgtheow". 

All four stressed syllables may also alliterate, often with twofold alliteration, as in line 941 of the Old Saxon Heliand. As the alliterating syllables indicate, strong stresses typically fall on nominal elements in the clause. 

Followed as they are by less stressed syllables, a falling intonation may be assumed for declarative sentences as in line 941 of the Heliand: sô mikilu is he betara than ic. Nis thes bodon gimaco, "By so much is he better than I". There is no messenger with his ability. 

From similar patterns in the contemporary languages, it may be assumed that the same intonation patterns applied already in earlier stages. English bétter, German bésser suggest an accent pattern of / ˊ ˇ /. 

The comparable intonation patterns of entire clauses may be similarly assumed, as indicated by the accents and the numerals following the sentences, with # indicating a final drop in pitch. Hè is much bétter than Ì. 2 3 1 # Èr ist viel bésser als ìch. 2 3 1 #.

 Further examples below illustrate more fully the intonation pattern of falling stress at the ends of lines. The intonation pattern is also indicated by the bunching together of alphabetic symbols, as in line 1291a of the Monacensis manuscript of the Old Saxon Heliand, in which I indicate the weaker words by italicizing them: satimthuoendisuigoda, sat by himself then and was silent The absence of spaces between words suggests a continuous pattern. 

The accent marks on thúo and suígoda in the Palatina manuscript, however, indicate position of accents, supporting the 2 3 1 # pattern; it may then be assumed for late Proto-Germanic after the accent change from pitch to stress. 

2.8.2. The Three Stress Accents 
Conclusions may also be drawn from the development of consonants and vowels. The development of the consonant differentiation in OHG uuas : uuāri and similar forms that will be discussed below in the morphological section gives us information about the position of the accent in early Proto-Germanic; in the pre-form of uuāri the pitch accent fell on the second syllable. 

And the incidence of umlaut on syllables with primary stress though not on final syllables also indicates the distribution of the accent in the early dialects.

Cognates in other dialects also point to the patterns of accentuation in early Proto-Germanic with reflexes in the dialects, e.g. Go. fidwor, ON fjōrir, OE fēower, and Homeric Greek písures, Attic Greek téttares, 'four'. 

Examination of poetic lines provides information of the accentuation after stress replaced pitch. In Beowulf 1231, four principal stresses fall on the initial syllables of words: drúncne dríhtguman, dṓð swā ic bíddu., "the drunken warriors do as I ask". 

A relatively important stress must also be assumed on the second syllable of drihtguman on the basis of Beowulf 99: Swā ðā dríhtgùman, drḗamum lífdon, "So then the warriors lived in joy".

 The assumption of a strong stress on the second elements of compounds is supported by comparison of the treatment of consonants by Verner's law. 

Gothic nauði-bandi 'fetter' and nauði-þaurfts 'need' have a voiced dental fricative, in contrast with a voiceless in forms of the verb nauþjan* 'force'. The voiced fricative may be accounted for by the accent of adjectival (determinative) compounds on their second element that was still maintained when Verner's law was in effect.

 Three stresses may therefore be assumed for late Proto-Germanic, as well as breaks at the ends of sentences, and between words with those stresses.

The earlier pattern of breaks after syllables is still apparent in the early Runic inscriptions, as noted above for the Gallehus inscription. And as in the Germanic languages today, pitch was maintained in conjunction with stress; normally the strongest stress was accompanied by the highest pitch, with pitch falling to ends of clauses and sentences. 

2.8.3. Effect of the Stress on Final Syllables 
As a result of the strong stress on words, final elements were lost; three such losses may be assumed for Proto-Germanic. /n/ was lost in weakly stressed final syllables, as in the accusative singular horna of the Gallehus inscription. 

Initially the loss may have resulted in a nasalized vowel, for final vowels without -n were lost in the early inscriptions, as in Runic un-nam < *-nama. But the nasalized final a was also lost by the time of the individual dialects, as in the accusatives Go. dag, ON dag, OE dæg, OHG tag

Final n was maintained, however, in words with short vowels that could receive primary stress, such as Go. þan, OE þan 'then'. Final /t d/ were lost after short vowels not under primary stress and after all long vowels, as in Gothic 3 sg. pres. wili, OE wile, OHG wili 'he wishes' < *welit; cf. Lat. velit

Also Go. undarō 'beneath' < *-ōþ; cf. Skt adharāt 'from below'. Comparison with the third plural preterite forms Go. bērun, OE bǣron 'they bore' < -*nt indicates that -þ- < -t was lost later than -n, for -n was maintained in the third plural ending. 

Yet the change was early, for remaining long vowels like the in Gothic were treated like other long finals. Final /t d/ were however maintained after short stressed vowels, as in ON þat, OE ðæt, OHG daz, cf. Skt tad

Final open short vowels, PGmc *e *a, were lost except under primary stress, as illustrated by the first and third singular preterite of Go. wait, ON veit, OE wāt, OHG weiz 'I know, he knows', cf. Gk oîda, oîde, Skt véda. Still other reductions and losses took place in the individual dialects. 

2.9. Morphonology 
The morphonology of Proto-Germanic vowels is best understood by reviewing the situation in Proto-Indo-European, which has been more closely maintained in Germanic than in any of the other dialects.The basic situation is indicated in the vowels. 

It is assumed that the basic vowel of roots was /e/. In Proto-Indo-European one exchange was brought about by the change of /e/ to /o/, as in the root leg-, with reflexes like those of Gk légō 'read' and lógos 'word'. For this and other vocalic changes, Jacob Grimm introduced the term Ablaut 'sound away from'; it is often referred to by the translated term apophony.

 The term is used both for the original change and for its results in the dialects. The various vowels are referred to as grades (a translation of the German Stufe) in the ablaut system, e.g. e-grade, o-grade, etc. 

Attempts have been made to account for this change, including explanation by position of the accent, by association with other elements like the resonants, and so on. None have been widely accepted. 

The change occurred so early, possibly even in late Pre-Indo-European, that the cause may be totally obscure. What is important, especially for Germanic, is the association of /e/ with reflexes of active forms of verbs and /o/ with reflexes of stative forms, as noted more fully below in the treatment of the verb system.

 A later set of changes took place when Proto-Indo-European had a stress accent. At this time the basic vowel /e/ was lost when it was unstressed; this situation is referred to as zero-grade. 

Reflexes of the loss in the root *sed- are found NE nest, Lat. nīdus from PIE *ní-zd-os 'in (which a bird) sits' and Go. asts, NHG, Ast, 'branch' from PIE *ó-zd-os 'on (which a bird) sits'. Complementary to zero grade is lengthened grade, in which the vowel is either ē or ō. 

The basis for the lengthening is unclear, although attempts have been made to ascribe it to loss of a vowel in the following syllable as a result of the accent on the lengthened vowel. 

It is found in specific forms, such as the nominative singular of monosyllables, e.g. Skt vāk, Latin vōx/uox in contrast with Gk épos < PIE wékʷos 'word', or of nouns of a certain structure, such as Skt pitā́, Gk patḗr, 'father'. 

Sound changes, losses, and analogical changes between Proto-Indo-European and the dialects have obscured further the bases of the original ablaut situation. 

Yet enough ablaut relationships are evident, especially in Germanic, that knowledge of ablaut is highly important for understanding the phonological relationships between related forms like Go. sitan, 3 sg. pret. sat. 

And the causative ga-satjan 'set, place', OE nest, Go. 3 pl. pret. sētun, and OE sōt 'soot' as well as those among many other such related forms. The reflexes of PIE sed- given here illustrate the five grades: normal grade, deflected or o-grade, zero grade, lengthened-ē grade, and lengthened ō-grade.

2.9.1. Ablaut and the Laryngeals
Understanding of ablaut relationships was long unclear because laryngeals and their reflexes were not recognized. Even when Saussure (1877) posited the vanished consonants that came to be called laryngeals, their reflexes were not properly understood. 

Yet a difference was recognized between vowels involved in ablaut, such as those reflected in sētun and sōt, and those called "original long vowels," as in the widely evident roots PIE *dhē- 'place' and dō- 'give' through their different morphological uses.

But even after Kurylowicz (1927) determined that some of the forms with original long vowels correspond to Hittite cognates with vowel plus h, such as pa-ah-sa-an-zi, Latin pāscō 'protect', it took some time before the interrelationships among such reflexes was understood. 

It is now clear that the structure of the "original long vowels" in Proto-Indo-European *dhē-, dō-, stā-, etc. before the laryngeals were lost or combined with other phonological elements was comparable to that of the vowels and final consonants of roots like PIE *sed 'sit', sew 'rain', sey 'bind'.

 The roots with such long vowels were then reconstructed with laryngeals; instead of PIE *dhē-, the root was given as *dheʔ- 'place', instead of dō-, as deγ- 'give', instead of (s)tā-, as (s)teχ- 'stand'. 

This clarification also led to understanding of the use of these roots with normal grade in the present tense forms of Greek as títhēmi, dídōmi, hístāmi, as well as their distribution in other dialects including Germanic.

 2.9.2. Germanic Morphonology as Exemplified in the Verb System 
2.9.2a. Vocalic Variation
Reflexes of Proto-Indo-European morphonology in Germanic may be exemplified by examining the verb system of strong verbs. Seven classes have been traditionally proposed, with the infinitive, preterite singular, preterite plural and past participle given as principal parts. 

These indicate the specific ablaut grades that were generalized in forms of the system that distinguishes a present tense, a preterite tense, and a past participle as well as indicative and subjunctive forms, and an imperative as well as distinctions of number and person.

It is further necessary to note the background of the distinction between the present and the preterite forms. In Proto-Indo-European the etymon of the present system of the first five classes indicated action, while the etymon of the preterite indicated state.

 As PIE dialects became accusative languages, the aspectual meanings were replaced by tense. But maintenance of the aspectual meanings in early Proto-Germanic led to the distinction between the first five classes and the sixth as well as the seventh. 

As Prokosch recognized (1939:150-151, 173-182), even before Active languages were understood, many roots and bases of the verbs of the sixth and seventh classes indicated state; their basic forms were accordingly taken as preterites in Proto-Germanic rather than as presents, for which a form with another grade was introduced. 

In addition to this distinction into two groups by their meaning, the first five classes fall into two groups in accordance with their form. 

Those of the first three classes have bases with the vocalism e + a resonant (y, w, m, n, l, r) + a consonant, while those of the fourth and fifth have bases with e followed by a single consonant. An example from the fourth and fifth classes illustrates the ablaut grades in the principal parts. 

The forms will be more fully exemplified and treated in the section on strong verbs in the morphology. Infin. (present) Pret. Sg. Pret. Pl. Past Ptc. Go. giban gaf gēbum gibans ON gefa gaf gǫfom gefenn OE giefan geaf gēafon giefen, OHG geban gab gābum gigeban. 

The reflexes indicate that the normal grade of the root was maintained in the infinitive and the present tense in late Proto-Germanic. The a reflecting PIE o-grade marked the preterite singular. 

The preterite plural and optative, on the other hand, are based on the long-ē grade, for zero grade would have led to an impossible cluster. 

To escape this in the past participle, the e-grade of the present was introduced. An example of the first class illustrates that the e-grade and the o-grade mark the present and preterite singular, as also in the second and third class of the strong verbs; the two other forms have zero -rade, reflecting the position of the accent on the final syllable in Proto-Germanic. 

Go. beitan* bait -bitum* -bitans*, ON bīta beit bitom bitenn, OE bītan bāt bitum bitans OHG bīzan beiz bizzum gibizzan An example of a sixth class verb illustrates that the base form with PIE -*eH- > -ā- > PGmc -ō- was used throughout the preterite, and that an alternate form was introduced for the present and past participle:

Go. standan stōþ stōþum standans
ON standa stōþ stōþom staþenn
OE standan stōd stōdon standen
OHG stantan stuo[n]t stuo[n]tum gistantan

2.9.2b. Consonantal Variation
Morphophonemic change is also found with consonants, as in the preterite of strong verbs. Before the accent was fixed, it fell on the root in the singular, but on the ending in the plural and optative. The second singular preterite in the West Germanic languages also shows the effect of the accent on the ending as in the plural. 

In keeping with the position of the accent, verbs have an f/v, s/z > r, þ/d, h/g interchange; the basis of the interchange may be illustrated by comparing the forms of the PIE base *gew-s- in the Sanskrit perfect of its reflex joṣ- 'enjoy' and the Old English preterite of cēosan 'choose'.
Sanskrit perfect Old English preterite:

1 sg. jujóṣa cēas
2 sg. jujóṣitha (cure)
3 sg. jujóṣa cēas
1 pl. jujuṣimá curon
2 pl. jujuṣá curon
3 pl. jujuṣúr curon

The interchange may be assumed for Proto-Germanic before the initial stress accent on the root syllable was introduced; its effects were maintained into the dialects.

Examples of the preterite third singular and third plural forms of verbs with the four fricatives may illustrate the morphophonemic variation, as well as analogical regularization in some forms which are indicated below in italics.

f/b þ/d s/z h/g
Go. þarf : þaúrbum -laiþ : -liþom kaus* : -kusun -tauh : tauhun
ON þarf : þurfom leiþ : liþon kaus : køron ----- : toginn
OE þearf : þurfon lāð : lidon kōs : kurun tēah : tugon
OS tharf : thurbun lēth : lidun kōs : kurun tēh : tugun
OHG darf : durfun leid : litum kōs : kurum zōh : zugun

Further examples will be given in the treatment of the verb.
The same variation is found between forms of the causative and the simple verb, for the causative had its accent after the stem, as illustrated by Skt vártate 'turn' and vartáyate 'cause to turn'; cf. Go. fra-waírþan 'spoil' and fra-wardjan 'cause to spoil'; OHG ginesan 'be saved' and nerian 'save'.

Similarly, the variation is found in nominal forms, as in the Gothic adjective alþeis 'old' in contrast with the noun alds 'age'; taíhun 'ten' in contrast with -tigjus 'decade'. This led to the further distinction in modern English ten based on the Old English noun tīen and the suffix for the decade -tig > -ty.

The loss of nasals with compensatory lengthening led to a different type of change in OE bringan : brōhte, OHG bringan : brāhta 'bring, brought' where the loss of the nasal before the voiceless fricative in the preterite led to the lengthening of the preceding vowel.

The changes presented here illustrate the increasingly compact structure of words as opposed to distinct syllables in late Proto-Germanic, as is evident in the Runic name Hlewagastiz versus Old Norse, Hliugast. 

They also demonstrate the effect of the fixation of dynamic accent on initial and root syllables as opposed to the earlier pitch accent, leading to weakening and loss of final elements in the dialects. Still other changes are introduced from dialect to dialect, leading to diverse modifications of their phonological and morphological systems.

2.10. The Conservatism of the Germanic Phonological System
As the sections above indicate, the phonological system of Germanic was highly conservative. The threefold relationship among the obstruents was maintained, while in Indic, it was expanded to four, e.g. t th d dh, but reduced to two in Hittite, e.g. t d, or modified in other ways, as in Latin, e.g. t d f. 

The articulation of the threefold elements was however modified in Germanic, so that in the nineteenth century and later a large-scale change has been assumed. The assumption was based on phonetic criteria.

 From a phonemic point of view the obstruent system was maintained in early Germanic in contrast with the modifications in Indic, Hittite, Latin and other dialects. Similarly, the resonant and the vocalic systems were largely maintained for some time, and phonological developments like Gothic ddj, ggw indicate long retention of laryngeals. 

Only later, when pitch accent was replaced by stress, did extensive modifications take place in Germanic. At that time, some members of the fricative set were voiced, leading to a considerably different system.

The stress accent, located as it was on the base — often the initial syllable — had a strong effect on the vowels of syllables with weaker stress. Some of these were lost, as will be noted in the chapter on inflectional morphology; others were eventually reduced to schwa

In the course of time, the phonological structure of late Proto-Germanic and especially its dialects differed greatly from that of Proto-Indo-European.


3.A.1. Introduction on Syntax
For understanding the syntax of Proto-Germanic it is highly important to note that Pre-Indo-European was an Active Language, and that the change to Accusative structure in Proto-Indo-European and its dialects was gradual. Moreover, Germanic separated early from the other Indo-European dialects, as I pointed out in 1953 and as others have since; more traits of 

Active Language structure were maintained in it than in the dialects that had been assumed to be the most archaic, that is, Indo-Iranian and Greek, on which Brugmann's Indo-European forms were based. 

While the reconstructions of Brugmann and later Indo-Europeanists have been predominant in subsequent handbooks of the parent language and also for explaining forms in the dialects, many of them do not apply to Proto-Germanic.

Moreover, the features that Germanic shares with Celtic on the one hand, Italic on the other, and with Balto-Slavic are chiefly lexical and relatively late, such as the adoption of the word for iron from Celtic; these will be discussed in the chapter on semantics. 

It is also important to note that there are no innovations common to these four dialects, a further indication that Germanic was independent of them in its early phase.

Proto-Germanic must accordingly be treated as a stage in the development from Pre-Indo-European through Proto-Indo-European to distinct dialects.

Some characteristics of Active languages are stated here; others will be discussed in the chapters dealing with derivational morphology and with sentence structure.

Active languages have three word classes: nouns, verbs, and particles. Nouns and verbs fall into two classes, either active/animate or inactive/stative. 

Some examples of the earlier active structure have survived throughout the Indo-European dialects in twofold designations for items that may be considered to be either in action or at rest. Among these are the two words for fire. 

The active word, reflected by Lat. ignis, Skt agnís, Lith. ugnìs, OCS ognь, indicated actual burning; its active role is supported by the use of the Sanskrit word also for the god of fire.

The word reflected by Hitt. pahhuwar, Gk pûr, Umb. pir, Arm. hur, Toch-A por, as well as by the Germanic words as maintained by NE fire, indicated a state, as supported by its neuter gender. Other examples will be given in the chapter on semantics. 

When the dialects shifted from active to accusative structure, the reason for maintaining two words was lost, and typically only one was maintained.

As another characteristic of Active languages, sentences are constructed for the most part by pairing active nouns with active verbs and stative nouns with stative verbs, that is, through agreement rather than government.

Accordingly, transitivity is not a characteristic and there is no inflection as for an accusative case. Relationships among nouns, also with verbs, are indicated by means of particles; furthermore, there is no distinct "adposition" part of speech.

In the course of time, agreement structure was gradually replaced by government structure in Proto-Indo-European and its dialects. 

Explanations for such changes are speculative; in my view, the linguistic change resulted from cultural change: as civilization developed, speakers began to understand causal relationships. 

For example, they began to account for increase in productivity of crops through proper planting, watering, and application of fertilizer, rather than through prayer to a crop deity. 

To represent such causal effects in the language, specific particles came to be joined to nouns and to verbs, some of which indicated transitivity; these and others provided the bases of inflection. 

Through accentuation, such groups of base words and particles became units. In time, loss of unaccented syllables and other changes clouded earlier structures, obscuring their origins, but residues are still evident in the dialects as noted below. By means of such events, the shift to government structure can be more readily understood.

Some of the particles remained independent, maintaining their function of indicating relationships of nouns and of verbs, while others were affixed to these (cf. Brugmann, Gdr. 1.3/2: 964-1009, Lehmann 2002: 87-99). 

Examples of reflexes in the Germanic languages that remained independent are: Go. ak, OE ac 'but'; OE and OHG nu 'now'. Among examples that were suffixed are: Go. -ei, a particle suffixed to demonstrative pronouns to produce relative pronouns as in the accusative singular þan-ei 'whom, which'; Go. -u and -uh, a question particle that is placed after words, as in:

Mark 10:38 maguts-u driggkan stikl þanei ik driggka?
can-you-two ? drink cup which I drink
"Can you two drink the cup which I drink?"
Other particles were adapted as prepositions, such as Go. af and OE of 'of', Go. bi, OE and OHG 'at, around', OHG zi 'to', which Hirt equated with the suffix in Gk oĩkon-de 'homeward' (Hirt 1932, II: 103).

In addition to the particles that have been maintained as independent forms, some have survived in suffixes and endings. It is assumed that the earliest such suffixes added were the single consonants called determinatives. 

Because they were added to roots in early Proto-Indo-European, their meanings are for the most part no longer distinguishable. Among examples are forms made from the Proto-Indo-European root *wer- 'turn, bend', as in the nouns Lat. vermis, Go. waúrms 'worm' and possibly the Lith. vérti 'to bend' (Pokorny 1959:1152-1160). 

Among forms derived from the root *wer- with determinatives are: Gk rémbō 'turn about in a circle,' Go. wairpan, ON verpa, OE weorpan,(warp) OHG werfen 'throw < turn' with PIE -*b-, determinative; Skt vartati 'turns', Go. wairþan, OHG werden 'become' with -t- determinative. 

Many such verbs made with determinatives could be cited, e.g. Go. giutan, ON gjóta, OHG giozzan 'pour', made with the -t- determinative from the root PIE *gʰew- as in Gk khéō 'I pour'. 

But a semantic basis for its addition in the two roots and others cannot be identified. Some particles developed into suffixes consisting of syllables that have survived with specific uses or meanings, such as the -to- and -no- suffixes on participles. 

Subsequently, many suffixes were based on full words, for example the widely used NE -hood, Du. -heid, NHG -heit suffix that indicates state or condition, as in childhood. The noun also remained independent in the older Germanic dialects, as in Go. háidus 'manner', OHG heit 'rank, state, condition'.

Besides their adaptations in derivational morphology, particles were also the basis of inflectional endings, such as -s, the nominative singular ending as in Go. dags 'day'. 

In his discussion of such developments, Hirt pointed out that Bopp had already equated the -s ending with the Proto-Indo-European particle *so 'here', with reflexes in Skt sa, Go. sa, Gk ho; *so also became the basis of pronouns (Hirt 1932, II:9; cf. also Hirt 1927, 3:13-14; Lehmann 2002: 148-149). 

Hirt assumed that *so was the source of another case ending as well, that of the genitive singular as in Go. broþrs  "brother's". 

Then at the conclusion of his treatment he proposed that it was also the source of a derivational s- suffix, as maintained in NHG Fuchs 'fox', but he did not explain the basis of its development. 

We assume that, in the active stage of Pre-Indo-European and early Proto-Indo-European, *so was placed after nouns to indicate the subject and also the agent of reference in genitive constructions; when Proto-Indo-European became an Accusative language, it was attached as an ending, with eventual loss of the -o

Comparable to the -s ending that came to indicate relationships for nouns, the -m ending that came to indicate first person in verbs has been related to the personal pronoun m- forms. Such combinations became fixed, so that nouns and verbs consisted of roots and endings. 

Some nominal residues from this period consisting only of root and ending survive among common words; they are referred to as root nouns (Brugmann 1906, II.1:130-146). 

PGmc fōts, Gk pōs, Lat. pēs, Skt pad- < PIE *ped- is among the few nominal examples; PGmc *ist, Lat. est < PIE ?*es-t- is a verbal example. But most nouns and verbs have an additional suffix between the root or base and the ending, among them even reflexes of root nouns. While a reflex of PGmc fōts is maintained in OE fōt 'foot' without the subject marker, the Gothic cognate was an expanded u-stem noun, fotus

A reason for adding such suffixes may be illustrated by noting Latin verb forms: the common verb fer- < PIE *bʰer- has as second and third singular forms fers, fert. If these endings were added directly to most Latin verb roots, e.g. laudare in the first conjugation and habēre in the second, the forms would be *lauds, *laudt and *habs, *habt, or more likely modified forms of them in view of the final consonant combinations. 

The inclusion of the suffixes -ā/a- and -ē/e- in these conjugations between the root and the endings, as in Lat. laudās, laudat 'praises', habēs, habet 'has', yielded transparent stems and endings. 

The most frequent such suffix added to nouns and to verbs, PIE -e/o-, is not associated with any meaning. Its wide application may be understood when forms like those cited above are compared; endings may no longer be modified, as are those added directly, such as Lat. es, Gk eîs < PIE es-si 'thou art'. 

Already in Proto-Indo-European, most nouns and verbs included such affixes when inflected, whether simple vowels like -e/o-, -i-, -u-, or longer suffixes like -yo-, -wo-, -no-. Nominal and verbal inflections were labeled by them on the basis of the Indo-European form of the suffix, e.g. o-stems, yo-stems, etc. 

Eventually many of them became indistinct, especially in dialects that, like Germanic, introduced a strong stress accent on roots which led to weakening or loss of final syllables. 

3.A.2. Inflectional Morphology; Classes of Words 
The Proto-Germanic lexicon consists of two classes of inflected words and a number of uninflected classes. The two inflected classes are substantives and verbs. The uninflected classes are conjunctions, adverbs, interjections, and prepositions (earlier, postpositions). 

Substantives, including nouns, pronouns, adjectives and numerals, are inflected primarily for case, secondarily for gender and number. The sub-class of nouns is inflected for case, gender and number. The sub-class of pronouns is inflected for case, but only defectively for number and gender as well as person.

The sub-class of adjectives is inflected for gender, as well as for case and number; it is further distinguished by addition of suffixes to indicate comparison. Cardinal numerals have defective inflection in all three categories. 

Ordinal numerals are inflected like adjectives, e.g. Go. þridja as n-stem for the numeral 'third'. Verbs are inflected for person and number, tense, mood and voice.

3.1. Inflection of Substantives
Five cases are reconstructed for Proto-Germanic, with traces of a sixth; these are: nominative, vocative, genitive, dative, accusative, and instrumental. The nominative is the case used to indicate the subject, and never follows a preposition. The vocative is the case of address. 

The genitive indicates relationships among substantives, often possession. In addition to being governed by specific prepositions, the dative indicates the indirect object; the accusative, the direct object. The instrumental case has a distinct form in only one paradigm; it indicates a relationship involving means, similar to that of adverbs. 

Two further cases are reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European: the locative, which according to some specialists has left reflexes in certain Germanic paradigms, and the ablative, to which certain Germanic adverbs have been related. There are three genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter. These categories are primarily grammatical, although there is also relationship to sex. 

That distinction is found largely with nouns referring to animate beings, as in Go. niþjis 'male relative', niþjō 'female relative'; frijōnds 'friend', frijōndi 'woman friend'; ON Freyr 'the god Frey', Freyja 'the goddess'. Gender distinction is also found in the third person pronouns. Substantives are inflected for three numbers: singular, plural, and dual. 

The dual is strongly represented only in pronouns and in PGmc was losing ground there. Like gender, number is also primarily a grammatical category, not always a category with literal meaning, as the following examples from Old Saxon indicate: OS to godes hūsun (pl.) 'to the house of God' OS uuas im helpono (pl.) tharf 'he needed help' OS briost (pl.) 'breast' OS giscapu (pl.) 'fate' 

With the exception of gender, the categories of inflection were less distinct in Proto-Germanic than in Proto-Indo-European and were reduced further in the dialects, where some of them were ultimately lost, such as gender in English with covert usage persisting primarily in the use of personal pronoun 'he, she, it'.

Similarly, except in the personal pronouns only two cases remain in English, the genitive and the unmarked case. Further, the category of number is overt only in the noun, in a few verb forms like am, is in contrast with are, and in the indication of person in the third singular present, e.g. writes as opposed to write in the plural and other categories. 

Inflection is indicated through the suffixes known as endings. As noted above, in Proto-Indo-European and early Proto-Germanic the endings were suffixed directly to roots. 

But affixes were added to roots already in Proto-Indo-European to form bases, also known as stems, and the endings were attached to these. When the stress accent was introduced, it generally fell on the root; weakly stressed syllables then were often reduced, so that the endings in Proto-Germanic and its dialects consisted of merged suffixes and the early endings. 

Classes of inflections in late Proto-Germanic were labeled by these. Three declensions then resulted: Root nouns (which are poorly attested); Consonant stems; Vocalic stems in two sets: the o/ā stems, and the vocalic resonant stems. Reconstructed forms illustrating each of the noun classes are given in paradigms below. 

Reflexes in the dialects are included, to provide evidence for the Proto-Germanic forms that have been reconstructed. In the paradigms of the dialects attested forms are preferred. 

But our limited texts do not provide us with complete inflections for most nouns; accordingly some unattested forms are included without being starred, such as the Gothic nominative dags. 

3.2. Inflection of Nouns
3.2.1. The Root Nouns 
By the time of the Germanic dialects some of the endings had been lost, as in the nominative and accusative Old English forms of 'foot'. Others were replaced, such as that in the Gothic nominative singular fotus by u-stem endings. 

Old English and Old Norse have maintained enough of the inflection in some words, such as the word for 'foot', to reconstruct it for Proto-Germanic. 

In Old Norse, however, the genitive singular is based on that of the u-stems; in Old English it is based on that of the o-stems.

The endings of root nouns: Sing. PIE PGmc Plur. PIE PGmc Nom. -s -s Nom. -es -ez Gen. -es -ez Gen. -ōm -ōn Dat. -ey/-y -i Dat. -mis -miz Acc. -m -un Acc. -ns -unz The forms of the word for foot: Sing. PGmc ON OE Plur. 

PGmc ON OE Nom. fōts fōtr fōt Nom. fōtez fœtr fēt Gen. fōtez fōtar fōtes Gen. fōtōn fōta fōta Dat. fōti fœte fēt Dat. fōtmiz fōtum fōtum Acc. fōtun fōt fōt Acc. fōtunz fœtr fēt

The inflection of the noun for fire, an Indo-European r/n-stem, is of interest in showing that the paradigm was maintained in early Proto-Germanic, but then modified by analogy. Only the nominative/accusative singular forms are given for Old Norse and the West Germanic languages because the two other cases have adopted forms from the o-stems.

In the Gothic nominative singular the -n has been extended by analogy with the genitive and dative. Sing. PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom/Acc. fōr/fuir fōn fūrr, fȳrr, funi fȳr fiur Gen. funis funins Dat. funi funin

3.2.2. The Consonant Stems
 In the consonant stems a suffix ending in a consonant was added to the root. The most prominent of these suffixes was -en. This varied from -en- to -n- to -on- in accordance with the accent. Moreover, some of the nouns to which it was added ended in a vowel, so that the variants -ēn- and -ōn- arose; if these stood finally in a word, the -n was lost, leading to a great variety of endings. 

Such phonological variation in a paradigm is open to analogical modification so that it is difficult to reconstruct the original paradigm. According to Meillet this is best reflected in Gothic as illustrated in its forms for 'ox', most of which are reconstructed (1937:301ff.). 

To illustrate the regularization in the dialects, examples of forms of the Greek words for 'male' and 'stone' are given here; one vowel has been generalized in these. PIE ending Gothic 'ox' Greek 'male' Greek 'stone' Nom.sg. -ōn auhsa* ársēn ákmōn Dat.sg. -en-i auhsin* árseni ákmoni Nom.pl. -on-es auhsans* ársenes ákmones Gen.pl. -n- auhsne arsénōn akmónōn 3.2.3. 

The n-stems To illustrate the inflection for masculine nouns a complete set of forms of the word for man is given here with the endings reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European. 

The Nom/Acc. forms for the neuter nouns are given below; their genitive and dative forms are like those of the masculine nouns. The forms show instances of analogical regularization, as discussed in the notes. 

Masculine PIE PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. -ēn,-ō gumō guma gume guma gomo Gen.sg. -en-os gumenaz gumins guma guman gomen Dat.sg. -en-i gumeni gumin guma guman gomon. 

Acc.sg. -on-m gumanun guman guma guman gomon Nom.pl. -on-es gumaniz gumans gumar guman gomon Gen.pl. -n-ōm gumanōn gumanē guma gumena gomōno Dat.pl. (-on-mis) gumanmiz gumam gumom gumum gomōm Acc.pl. (-ns) gumanunz gumans guma guman gomon. 

Neuter PIE PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom/Acc.sg. -ō augō áugō auga ēage ouga Nom/Acc.pl. -ōn-ā augōnō áugōna augo ēagan ougon.

Except for the genitive plural ending -ē, the Gothic forms support those reconstructed for Proto-Germanic. (It may be useful to note here again that e and o in Gothic indicate long vowels so that a macron is superfluous, though often added in this grammar to be explicit; the Gothic short vowel counterparts are indicated by ai and au, often distinguished from the ái and áu diphthongs by an acute accent on the second member, e.g. aí aú.) 

Many of the forms in the other dialects show the results of analogical extension. In the singular the Old Norse and Old English genitive and dative forms were taken over from the accusative. 

In the nominative/accusative plural the Old High German -o- of the ending is generalized from the singular. The Old Norse nominative plural ending is based on that of the o-stems, as is also the accusative plural ending. In the other dialects the form of the nominative was generalized to the accusative. 

In the genitive plural the Old English and Old High German forms were taken over from the feminine, as was the dative plural in Old High German. The Proto-Germanic forms of the feminine are reconstructed largely on the basis of those in Gothic. In the other dialects the forms influenced one another; some were introduced from other inflections.

 Feminine PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. tungōn tuggō tunga tunga zunga Gen.sg. tungōn(i)z tuggōns tungo tungan zungūn Dat.sg. tungōni tuggōn tungo tungan zungūn Acc.sg. tungōnun tuggōn tungo tungan zungūn Nom.pl. tungōniz tuggōns tungor tungan zungūn Gen.pl. tungōnom tuggōnō tungna tungena zungōno Dat.pl. tungomm(iz) tuggōm tungom tungum zungōm Acc.pl. tungōnz tuggōns tungor tungan zungūn. 

In the oblique cases the endings of the masculine may be compared with those of the feminine; except for the characteristic long stem vowel in the feminines, the two inflections are identical. 

In Old Norse the influence of the two inflections is reciprocal. Various explanations have been offered for the ū- vowel in the Old High German forms; by one of them it was introduced from the accusative singular in which the vowel resulted from u-modification, so that the Proto-Germanic accusative singular ending developed from -ōnum to -ūnum > -ūnu > -ūn. It then was taken over for the other cases in the singular and for the accusative plural.

3.2.4. The r- stems
In Proto-Indo-European the form of the stem in the r-stems varied considerably. With the strong tendency to regularization in Germanic, the variation gradually was eliminated; but regularization apparently was incomplete in Proto-Germanic: from the differing paradigms in the individual dialects, it seems that the process must have continued after the time of Proto-Germanic. 

Explanation of the individual forms is therefore problematic in the treatment of the dialects. The word atta has replaced the inherited word for father in Gothic except for one instance of the vocative form, fadar, so the word for brother is given here.

Nom.sg. faðēr brōþar faþer fæder fater
Gen.sg. faðrez brōþrs fǫþur fæder(es) fater(es)
Dat.sg. faðer(i) brōþr feþr fæder fater(e)
Acc.sg. faðerun brōþar fǫþur fæder fater
Nom.pl. fað(e)riz brōþrjus feþr fæderas fatera
Gen.pl. faðrōn brōþrē feþra fædera fatero
Dat.pl. faðrumis brōþrum feþrum fæderum faterum
Acc.pl. faðruns brōþruns feþr fæderas fatera

In the Gothic plural the nominative has adopted the u-stem ending, as have the dative and accusative, with -u- in the dative probably on the pattern of the accusative. In Old Norse the base vowel of the nominative plural was extended to the three other forms. The Old English and Old High German forms illustrate how endings of the o-stems were extended to other paradigms.

3.2.5. The nt- stems
A small number of nouns with the same suffix as that of the present participle preserved their autonomy in Proto-Germanic. The changes in base vowel in Old English provide evidence for the earlier inflection. 

In ON frændi 'relative' the back vowel of the nominative-accusative plural has been generalized to the other cases. The singular endings have been replaced by forms of the n-inflection; in Old English and Old High German the endings have been taken over from the o-stems as have the Gothic nominative and genitive singular, as well as the genitive and dative plural.

Nom.sg. frijund frijōnds frændi frēond friunt
Gen.sg. frijundiza frijōndis frænda frēondes friuntes
Dat.sg. frijundi frijōnd frænda frīend friunte
Acc.sg. frijundun frijōnd frænda frēond friunt
Nom.pl. frijundiz frijōnds frændr frīend friunt
Gen.pl. frijundōn frijōndē frænda frēonda friunto
Dat.pl. frijundmiz frijōndam frændom frēondum friuntum
Acc.pl. frijundunz frijōnds frændr frīend friunt

3.2.6. The s- stems
The s-inflection has been maintained even less distinctly than have the other consonantal declensions; it is chiefly of interest as a source of the prominent noun plural ending -er in Old High German and in the later language. 

While the stem suffix is attested in a few oblique singular forms in Old High German, one of them chalbire 'to the calf', the singular endings were in general replaced by those of the e/o-inflection, as also in Old English.

Nom/Acc.sg. lambaz lamb lamb
Gen.sg. lambezaz lambes lambes
Dat.sg. lambizi lambe lambe
Nom/Acc.pl. lambazō lombru lembir
Gen.pl. lambizōn lombra lembiro
Dat.pl. lambizumiz lombrum lembirum

3.3. The Vowel Stems
In the vowel stems the endings were attached to specific vowels or to suffixes ending in vowels. In these declensions the forms developed distinctive endings. The resultant forms became the most prominent in the Germanic dialects. 

In masculine and neuter nouns the vowel was e/o; in the feminine nouns the vowel was ā in Proto-Indo-European. These have come to be used in the labels for the declensions concerned. 

Besides being suffixed to the roots of nouns, these vowels were also combined with resonants, to yield the suffixes -ye/o-, -yā- and -we/o-, -wā-. These came to have distinctive inflections in keeping with the allophonic variation of the resonants, e.g. [i y iy].

3.3.1. The o- stems

Masculine PGmc Go. ON OE OHG
Nom.sg. dagaz dags dagr dag tag
Gen.sg. dagaza dagis dags dages tages
Dat.sg. dagai daga dege dæge tage
Acc.sg. dagan dag dag dag tag
Nom.pl. dagōzez dagōs dagar dagas taga
Gen.pl. dagōm dagē daga daga tago
Dat.pl. dagamaz dagam dǫgom dagum tagum
Acc.pl. daganz dagans daga dagas taga

Neuter PGmc Go. ON OE OHG
Nom/Acc.sg. wordan waúrd orð word wort
Nom/Acc.pl. wordō waúrda orð word wort

The full reflex of the Proto-Germanic nominative singular ending is found in Runic inscriptions, e.g. Krogstad stainaz 'stone', and of the accusative singular, as in the form staina from the Tune inscription. 

The genitive singular ending of the o-stems was -sa. It was added to both stem-vowels -a- and -e-. The -asa form has reflexes in the general North Germanic form, as in the Valsfjorden example godagas, and also in Old Saxon, e.g. dagas. The -esa form has reflexes in Gothic, and in the other West Germanic forms.

The dative form has the ending -i; PGmc -ai > -a in Gothic and -e in the other dialects. The accusative form underwent regular development. In Old High German and Old Saxon some forms in -u are attested that are considered relic forms of the instrumental; the ending is derived from PIE -ō. 

The nominative plural forms in Gothic, Old Norse, and Old High German are regular reflexes of the Proto-Germanic form. The Old English and Old Saxon forms. 

On the other hand, there must have been derived from a longer form, such as PGmc -ōzez, which is parallel to the Vedic extended plural -āsasBy another explanation, the Germanic form may have arisen independently as a double plural like that in children.

The genitive plural forms reflect PIE -o-om > -ōm except for that of Gothic with -ēm. Numerous explanations have been proposed for -ēm, as from other PIE forms than genitives, but since the form occurs in Gothic alone it must have an explanation from patterning there. 

I assume it was a spontaneous change in which the front vowel ē was introduced in contrast with the back vowel of the nominative (Lehmann 1968). 

The dative plural forms must be derived from the Proto-Indo-European instrumental ending -mis in view of the forms of the personal names Vatvims and Aflims recorded in inscriptions and Runic, e.g. Stentoften dat. pl. hagestumz 'stallions'.

The accusative plural forms in Gothic, Old Norse, and Old High German are direct reflexes of PIE -ons; the Old English form is based on the nominative.

The nominative/accusative neuter has the same origin as the accusative singular masculine; the -a is preserved in Gallehus horna. Similarly, the nominative/accusative plural has the same origin as the nominative singular feminine, i.e. PIE -ā > PGmc -ō. 

In North Germanic it developed first to -u, as indicated in the form bǫrn < *barnu; it was also maintained in the West Germanic dialects after short syllables, as in OE hofu. The genitive and dative neuter forms are like those of masculine nouns. The neuter genitive and dative forms are like those of masculine nouns. 

3.3.2. The ā- stems 
The suffix of the ā-stems developed in early Indo-European from -e/o- followed by a laryngeal. Initially, then, their inflection was like that of the e/o-stems, since the laryngeal consonant was comparable to others like s. 

As the laryngeal that modified vowels, it changed the preceding vowel to a, e.g. ah₂ > ā. The combination of the contracted ā with the endings led to considerable differences, as the following illustrate.

Nom.sg. gebō giba gjǫf giefu geba
Gen.sg. gebōz gibōs gjafar giefe gebā
Dat.sg. gebāy gibái gjǫf giefe gebu
Acc.sg. gebōn giba gjǫf giefe geba
Nom.pl. gebōz gibōs gjafar giefa gebā
Gen.pl. gebōn gibō gjafa giefa gebōno
Dat.pl. gebōmiz gibōm gjǫfom giefum gebōm
Acc.pl. gebōz gibōs gjafar giefa gebā

As these examples may indicate, most of the forms of this declension underwent regular changes in the dialects, though some forms within the declension were replaced, such as the Old Norse and Old English dative singular; the Old High German genitive singular was replaced by analogy with the Old High German accusative. 

In West Germanic, -u was lost after long syllables, as in OE ār 'honor'. The expected ending -u was preserved in the Opedal Runic form liubu 'dear'. Other forms were replaced by those of another inflection. The Old Norse inflection introduced i-stem forms in the nominative and accusative plural gjafar. The Old High German genitive plural was taken over from the n-stems.

3.3.3. The yo- and yā- stems
The two suffixes were frequent in Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Germanic and did not lead to separate declensions until the allophonic system of the resonants broke down and the resultant phonemes underwent separate developments. 

Distinct declensions resulted, not only for the nouns ending in these suffixes as opposed to those ending in -o/ā-, but also for nouns with short as opposed to long stem syllables; /y/ would have had the allophone [y] after short stem syllables, [iy] after long. The paradigms illustrate the developments.

Masculine nouns with long stem vowels and -iyo-; PGmc herdiyas 'shepherd'

Long Stem PGmc Go. ON OE OHG
Nom.sg. herdiyas haírdeis hirðer hierde hirti
Gen.sg. herdiyeza haírdeis hirðes hierdes hirtes
Dat.sg. herdiyai haírdja hirðe hierde hirte
Acc.sg. herdiyam haírdi hirðe hierde hirti
Nom.pl. herdiyōzez haírdjōs hirðar hierdas hirte/-â
Gen.pl. herdiyōm haírdjē hirða hierda hirt(e)o
Dat.pl. herdiyamiz haírdjam hirðom hierdum hirtum
Acc.pl. herdiyanz haírdjans hirða hierdas hirte/-a

Masculine nouns with short stem vowels and -yo-; PGmc heryaz 'army'

Short Stem PGmc Go. ON OE OHG
Nom.sg. heryaz harjis herr here heri (Neut.)
Gen.sg. haryeza harjis herz herijes heries
Dat.sg. haryai harja her herije herie
Acc.sg. haryam hari her here heri
Nom.pl. haryoz harjos hariar herijas heris
Gen.pl. haryom harje heria herija herio
Dat.pl. haryamiz harjam heriom herijum herium
Acc.pl. haryanz harjans haria herijas heris

The difference between nouns with long and short stems is most clearly evident in the genitive singular forms. Upon the loss of the final vowel, the -e- before -s became -i-, yielding -iyis, -yis. In -iyis the -y- was lost, and the -ii- fell together with -ī-, as indicated by Gothic -ei-. In the short stems, -yis was maintained.

These inflections are also of interest in indicating the effects of analogy as sound changes disrupt the original alignments. In Gothic the nominative singular form harjis was remodeled on the form of the genitive after the pattern of the long stems. 

In Old High German the nominative singular form was probably taken over from the accusative. By the ninth century the -j- was lost; except for the mutated stem vowel and the nominative singular, the forms agreed with those of the o-stems.

3.3.4. The wo- and wā- stems
By the time of the dialects, these stems had merged with the -o/ā-stems. Old Norse stem vowels, however, illustrate the modifying effect of the suffix consonant, e.g. hǫrr < PGmc harwas 'flax'. 

Although subsequent sound changes and analogical modifications have given rise to complex paradigms, the Proto-Germanic inflections can be reconstructed with allophonic variations of -w- parallel to those of -y-. 

Proto-Germanic forms for harwas are given here; after long bases, the suffix would have been -uw-. PGmc Singular Plural Nom. harwaz harwōz Gen. harweza harwōm Dat. harwai harwamiz Acc. harwam harwanz.

3.3.5. The i- and u- stems 
The -i- and -u- stems are comparable to the -o- stems, with -i- and -u- occupying the place of -o-.Their combinations with other vowels, however, led to differences. 

If the principal accent came to stand on the stem-vowel, the syllables would have had the shape -ey- in Proto-Indo-European; in this way the nominative plural differed from that of the o-stems, and is reconstructed as -ey-es. The suffix could also have o-grade, as in the feminine genitive singular, reconstructed as -oy-so-. 

The dative singular was taken over from the o-stems in Gothic. i-stems PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. gastis/z gasts gestr gæst gast Gen.sg. gastez gastis gests gæstes gastes Dat.sg. gastai gasta gest gæste gaste Acc.sg. gastin gast gest gæst gast Nom.pl. gastiyiz gasteis gester gæstas gesti Gen.pl. gastiyōn gastē gesta gæsta gestio Dat.pl. gastimz gastim gestom gæstum gestim Acc.pl. gastinz gastins geste gæstas gesti The full reflex of the Proto-Germanic nominative ending is found only in Runic inscriptions, e.g. Gallehus hlewagastiz. 

In Old High German the stem vowel was lost after long stems before modification of the base vowel, so that the singular does not have umlaut. The feminine survives in a few forms, but in general it has merged either with the masculine or with other declensions. 

u-stems PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. sunuz sunus sunu sunu sun(u) Gen.sg. sunauz sunáus suna suna sunes Dat.sg. sunāu sunáu suna suna sune Acc.sg. sunun sunu sun sunu sun(u) Inst.sg. suniway suniu Nom.pl. suniwiz sunjus suna suna suni Gen.pl. suniwōn suniwē suna suna suneo Dat.pl. sunumiz sunum sunum sunum sunim Acc.pl. sununz sununs suna suna suni. 

In the Tomstad Runic inscription the full ending of the nominative singular was maintained in waruz 'protection', and the accusative singular in the Kjølevig inscription form magu 'kinsman'.

 The singular endings are as expected, though the Old English dative is taken over from the genitive. The vocative singular, which survives in Gothic, has the same form as the accusative singular. The plural forms are also as expected, though with influences among them; the Old High German nominative has been taken over in the accusative, which, however, is still reflected in the form situ 'custom' in Otfrid. 

Forms of neuter u-stems are found only in the singular in Gothic, e.g. nominative faíhu, genitive faíháus, dative faíháu 'cattle'; cf. also filu 'much'. In the other dialects they have fallen together with other declensions, or survive in relic forms.

3.3.6. Development of Noun Inflection in Proto-Germanic
The forms given above indicate the general course of development of noun inflection in Proto-Germanic: whereas in the early period the endings clearly distinguished the various cases, after the stress accent was introduced the endings were weakened and some were lost. 

As one result, the root noun inflection was virtually eliminated. But as endings were lost, markers for case and number evolved from what were originally derivational suffixes. New inflections developed from these, such as the ye/yo-stems and especially the n-stems.

Loss also contributed to a reduction of case forms. Evidence for the vocative survived only in Gothic and for the instrumental in a few paradigms, so these forms must have been reduced in use by late Proto-Germanic. 

While some scholars have assumed that the locative was the basis of many Proto-Germanic dative forms, it is more likely, in accordance with Meillet (1964:294), that a zero-grade form of the dative was the basis of these, so that the locative need not be recognized for Germanic generally. 

Similarly, the ablative need not be recognized on the basis of the few adverbial forms that have been accounted for as reflexes of it; the adverbial endings may have been independent of the ablative case, as supported by semantic evidence. 

The changes in inflection of nouns were paralleled by those in pronouns, although these were more conservative in the retention of inherited categories. Both of these influenced the inflection of adjectives, as will be noted below. 3.4. 

Inflection of Pronouns From comparison of the forms in the various Indo-European dialects, it is obvious that in early Proto-Indo-European there was no pronominal inflection paradigm, but instead a series of forms.

 For example, the base changes from the nominative to that of oblique forms, e.g. I vs. me, and what is more, the form of some of the most frequent pronouns, e.g. that for I, varies from dialect to dialect, cf. Skt ahám, Gk égō. 

Further, as a complete paradigm of demonstratives was introduced, the base selected varied from dialect to dialect; for example, the bases in Germanic differ from those in Italic. 

As a result of the relatively recent emergence of pronominal inflection in Indo-European, etyma are reconstructed here in Proto-Germanic for the pronouns actually attested, rather than on the basis of reconstructions in Proto-Indo-European.

It is instructive to recall the structural reasons for the infrequency of pronouns in early Proto-Indo-European; most important of these is the indication of subjects by verbal endings in the early language. 

When verb forms no longer distinguished subjects unambiguously, as when the first and third singular preterite indicative merged, pronouns came to be used more frequently. Similarly, as the affixes marking nominal cases merged, agreement was indicated by pronouns, and subsequently also by pronominal adjectives, which developed full inflections in the individual Indo-European dialects. 

Moreover, the development of a strongly structured paradigm of the noun led to a similar paradigm for pronouns, in which various particles were added, such as ge in Greek (e)mége and Proto-Germanic mek(e) in the accusative, and by the "freezing" of a form in the genitive of personal pronouns, and so on. 

The non-paradigmatic set of pronouns in Indo-European can be understood most readily from scrutiny of the Hittite pronoun, which was largely clitic. Although pronouns in Germanic maintain traces of their former clitic uses, in that they generally occupy positions in the sentence that do not carry primary stress, they may also be fully stressed. 

By the time copious material in the dialects becomes available, pronouns are among the most frequent forms, with fully developed paradigms; the forms reconstructed here for Proto-Germanic are based on these, even though they may be relatively recent, having become regularized as the pronominal paradigms emerged.

 3.4.1. Personal Pronouns
 Personal pronouns are those without a noun as antecedent, as a consequence of which they lack gender. A full inflection, including dual forms, existed for first and second person; in addition the third person had three singular forms, used as reflexives, also for first and second person. 

First Person Pronouns 1st Person PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. eka ik ek ic ih Gen.sg. mīnō meina mīn mīn mīn Dat.sg. miza mis mēr mē mir Acc.sg. mike mik mik mec, mē mih Nom.pl. weys weis vēr wē wir Gen.pl. unserō unsera vār ūser, ūre unsēr Dat.pl. uns uns(is) oss ūs uns Acc.pl. uns uns(is) oss ūs(ic) unsih Nom.du. wet wit vit wit Gen.du. unkerō ugkara okkar uncer unker Dat.du. unke ugkis okkr unc Acc.du. unke ugk(is) okkr unc(it) The nominative singular posited is probably a reflex of PIE egom. 

In Runic inscriptions, besides the simple form ek, variants are attested, as in hate-ka 'my name is' (Lindholm) and haite-ga (Kragehul). The Kragehul form may be related to the Indo-European form with -gh, cf. Skt ahám. The Germanic variation in vowel reflects forms with primary stress, ON ek, and those with lesser degrees of it, OE ic. 

The genitive singular form is based on the possessive adjective extended by a suffix, the source of which is unclear. In the dative singular PIE me was extended by a suffix that cannot be determined with assurance, possibly -so as in Umbrian seso. As noted above the accusative forms are reflexes of PIE me to which a particle -ge was added. Old English mē is taken over from the dative. 

The nominative plural is based on PIE wey-, cf. Skt vay-ám 'we', to which the plural suffix was added in Germanic. In the genitive plural of the dialects other than Old Norse, the adjectival suffix -ero- was added to the base ns-, and the final -o was lengthened in parallel to that of the genitive singular. In Old Norse the suffix was added to the nominative base we(y)-. 

The different forms indicate the lateness of the formation. In the dative and accusative plurals, -is was extended from the dative in Gothic to the reflex of PIE ns-, cf. Skt nas, and -ih from the accusative in Old English and Old High German. These forms are instructive in indicating how Germanic pronominal forms were expanded. 

The nominative dual form is based on PIE wed; similar reflexes are found in OCS vě and Lith. vèdu 'both of us'. Forms of the dual are not attested in Old High German, apart from one isolated instance, but reflexes of them survive in the contemporary Bavarian second plural: nominative os, genitive enker, accusative enk.

The genitive dual has the same affix as the genitive plural. The dative and accusative dual endings were extended in Gothic and Old Norse by that of the dative plural.

Second Person Pronouns
The second singular forms are remarkably parallel to those of the first singular in development. Only the forms with special change will be discussed. 

2nd Person PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Nom.sg. þū þū þū þū dū, du Gen.sg. þīn þeina þīn þīn dīn Dat.sg. þeza þus þēr þē dir Acc.sg. þeke þuk þik þe(c) dih Nom.pl. yūs jus ēr gē, gīe ir Gen.pl. izwerō izwara yð(u)ar ēower iuwēr Dat.pl. (w)izwiz izwis yðr ēow iu Acc.pl. (w)izwiz izwis yðr ēow(ic) iuwih Nom.du. yut jut it git Gen.du. inkerō igqara ykkar incer Dat.du. inke igqis ykkr inc Acc.du. inke igqis ykkr inc(it). 

In the accusative singular the -ge particle was added to te, as in the first person; in Gothic the vowel of the nominative was extended to the accusative.

For the nominative plural compare Avestan yūs, Lith. jū̃s. The vowel was modified after that of the first person in the dialects other than Gothic. In the dative and accusative plural forms PGmc wiz < PIE wes was reduplicated, possibly to distinguish it from the first person plural nominative. 

The initial w was lost by dissimilation, with *iRwiR > *iðwiR > yþr in Old Norse. In pre-Old English and Old High German *izwis > *iwis and thereupon the forms attested.

In the dual, the vowel of the nominative was modified after that of the first person pronoun in the dialects other than Gothic, while the oblique cases have the same suffixes as the first person pronouns.

The Reflexives
As in the other Indo-European dialects, the reflexive was used for all numbers and genders in the third person. It was not maintained, however, in Old English. 

For the first and second person, forms of the personal pronoun were employed, e.g. mik. For the third person PIE se- was extended with the endings of the first and second singular pronouns. The accusative was taken over for the dative in Old High German.

Gen. sīnō seina sīn sīn
Dat. sezo sis sēr sih
Acc. seke sik sik sih

3.4.2. Demonstrative Pronouns
The most widespread demonstratives as well as definite articles in the Indo-European dialects are based on *so-/to-. Forms from *so- occur only in the masculine and feminine nominative singular; forms from *to-, elsewhere. 

These roots were originally sentence connectives, as application of their reflexes in Hittite and to some extent in Sanskrit show. In late Proto-Indo-European and early Proto-Germanic, endings were added to them and their forms were modified by analogy, especially in the Germanic dialects.

The demonstrative constructed on Proto-Germanic *sa-, *þa-

Masc.Nom.sg. so sa sa sā sē der
Masc.Gen.sg. teso þeza þis þess þæs des
Masc.Dat.sg. tosmai þam(m)ē/ō þamma þeim þǣm demu
Masc.Acc.sg. tam þan(ōn) þana þann þone den
Masc.Nom.pl. toy þay þái þeir þā dē, die
Masc.Gen.pl. toyzōm þayzōn þizē þeira þǣra dero
Masc.Dat.pl. toymiz þaymiz þáim þeim þǣm dēm
Masc.Acc.pl. tonz þanz þans þā þā dē, die
Neut.Nom/Acc.sg. tod þatō(m) þata þat þæt daz
Inst. (or Dat.) Sg. tei þ(i)ē/ō þē Dat. þvī, þī Dat. þỹ diu
Neut.Nom/Acc.pl. tā þō þō þau þā diu
Fem.Nom.sg. sā sō sō sū sēo diu
Fem.Gen.sg. tesās þezōz þizōs þeirar þǣre dera
Fem.Dat.sg. tesāy þezay þizái þeire þǣre deru
Fem.Acc.sg. þō(n) þō þō þā þā dea, dia
Fem.Nom.pl. tās þōs þōs þǣr þā deo
Fem.Gen.pl. tesōm þezōn þizō þeira þǣra dero
Fem.Dat.pl. toymiz þaymiz þáim þaim þæm dēm
Fem.Acc.pl. tās þōs þōs þǣr þā deo

The Proto-Germanic forms are fairly transparent; many are direct reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European forms. Some have modifications, like the masculine accusative singular, but the principal modifications have been in the dialects. Regularization is most obvious in the Old High German forms. These details must be left to the treatments of the individual dialects.

3.4.3. Demonstratives with Further Extensions; Relative Pronouns
In keeping with the archaic position of Proto-Germanic, particles were appended to demonstratives to create relative pronouns, although different dialects used different particles in this role. In Gothic a particle -h, -uh was added throughout the paradigm, yielding sah, sōh, þatuh, etc. 

Although the source of the -u is unclear, -h is derived from PIE kʷe, which is reflected in Latin as -que, where it is found in compound pronouns, e.g. quisque 'whoever'. The Old Norse paradigm sia, siā, þetta comprises several such extensions; the form siā illustrates one extension, -a, subsequently lengthened, presumably the same particle as that in Gothic þana < PGmc þanōn.

In Old Norse and the West Germanic dialects, the particle -se yielded the most widespread compound, with the two components clearly evident in Runic sasi, susi, þatsi where only the first component is inflected. 

The second (-se) component is also found in Lat. ipse 'this, he'. As in Latin, the Germanic -se component eventually came to be inflected. The early form *þe-se is reflected in OE nom.sg.masc. þes, but the oblique case forms þisses, þissum, þisne show final inflections. 

Detailed analysis of the development of this compound to the widely used this of English, dieser of German, and so on, is a concern of the individual dialects. The relative pronoun in Gothic also shows compounding with the particle -ei added to the demonstrative, as in saei 'which, that'.

The particles es and at are used to indicate the relative pronoun in Old Norse; in the West Germanic dialects, on the other hand, reflexes of PIE te/o- are the basis of the relative pronoun, e.g. OE þe, OS the, OHG the, de, thie. 

These illustrate further that various particles were used in Proto-Germanic to indicate demonstrative and relative reference, so that no specific pronouns can be reconstructed for the early language for these categories. 

3.4.4. The Anaphoric Pronoun
A demonstrative based on various pronominal stems that is less emphatic than forms based on Proto-Germanic so is found in the dialects. In Gothic and Old High German this is es, er in the nominative singular masculine, in contrast with OE he, OS he, ON hann. 

Due to such diversity, a complete paradigm cannot be reconstructed for Proto-Germanic; instead, forms from various roots were selected, and complete paradigms were constructed in the dialects around one or more of these, with endings in general taken from the *so paradigm. 

The roots are: PIE ei-, i-; cf. Lat. is 'he', Go. is PIE sye-, syā-; cf. Skt sya, syā 'that', OHG sie PIE to-; cf. Gk tó, ON þat, þeir PIE ke/o- (cf. Oscan e-kas 'these') was extended by -eno-, producing*hēno, from which ON hana and its paradigm developed. 

As the variety illustrates, a paradigm cannot be reconstructed for Proto-Germanic, but instead a number of pronominal forms were in anaphoric use. 

3.4.5. The Interrogative Pronoun
Forms based on the stem PIE kʷo-, kʷey- are found throughout the Indo-European dialects for the singular, although there are no distinct forms for the feminine. The forms in the Germanic dialects have undergone considerable modification, by analogy with forms of demonstratives. 

Moreover, Gothic includes the feminine forms nominative & accusative hʷo, dative hʷizai, which are probably patterned on the demonstrative sa rather than on reflexes of Proto-Indo-European kʷā. These attest further to the regularizing of paradigms in the individual dialects. 

The masculine (animate) and neuter forms are as follows: PIE PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Masc.Nom. kʷos χwas hʷas (huerr) hwā hwer Masc.Gen. kʷeso χweza hʷis hues hwæs hwes Masc.Dat. kʷosmai χwammē hʷamma hweim hwǣm hwemu Masc.Acc. kʷom χwana hʷana hwone hwenan Masc.Inst. kʷē/kʷey χwē/χwī hʷē hwī, hwỹ hwiu Neut.Nom/Acc. kʷod hwat hʷa huat hwæt hwaz Neut.Dat. hwī In the nominative, the Gothic form is a regular reflex of the Proto-Indo-European form, as are the neuter forms.

In the Old English form the final consonant is lost, with subsequent lengthening of the final vowel; in the Old High German form the vowel of the oblique cases has been introduced. In Old Norse a compound form has been introduced. The forms of the other cases are patterned after those of the demonstrative except in the instrumental and the Old Norse dative.

 As in the demonstrative, various compound forms of interrogatives are attested. In Gothic and Old Norse a compound interrogative is based on the interrogative particle Go. hʷar, ON huar 'where' plus a reflex of PGmc -yos, e.g. Go. hʷarjis, ON huerr 'who'; it is inflected like a strong adjective. 

The form huerr has replaced the simple interrogative in the Old Norse nominative. Reflexes of PGmc hwe/a-ter- are found in all the dialects. 

The West Germanic forms are based on the -e- form, OE hweðer, OHG hwedar 'which of two'; the forms in the other dialects are based on the -a- form, Go. hʷaþar, ON huaþarr. A reflex of the kʷo- form is also attested in OE hwæþer, suggesting that in the other dialects one form was generalized throughout the paradigm. 

Reflexes of a compound with PGmc līko- 'body' as second component are attested through all the dialects, but with varying first elements: PIE kʷi in Go. hʷileiks, OE hwilc; PIE kʷey- in ON hvīlīkr; PIE kʷo- in OE hwelc, OHG hwelih.

The vowel in question resulted from regularization in the dialects. In addition, various indefinites derived from interrogatives, e.g. Go. hʷazuh 'each', OE ǣghwā 'each', OHG etewer 'someone', vary from dialect to dialect, hence a common Proto-Germanic etymon cannot be reconstructed.

3.5. Inflection of Adjectives
One of the characteristics of Germanic is the development of two adjectival inflections: one preserves the inflections assumed for late Proto-Indo-European; the other is a new inflection based on n-s.  

As one of their uses in the proto-language, n-stems referred to specific individuals, as in Latin personal names like Catō, Catōnis literally 'the wise one'. The n-inflection of adjectives, called "weak" by Jacob Grimm in contrast with the inherited inflection called "strong," indicated a specific item in accordance with the Proto-Indo-European meaning, much as the definite articles did later. 

3.5.1. The Strong Inflection of Adjectives
 It is assumed that adjectives were originally inflected like nouns in Proto-Indo-European; the reflex of this inflection in Germanic is the strong declension. Both have the same stems, consonantal and -i-, -o-, -u- as well as -yo-. But as adjectives were frequently used in conjunction with demonstrative pronouns, some inflections were taken over from these. 

It is unclear how many of the endings were so modified in early Germanic. When all the dialects agree on a pronominal ending, as in the genitive, dative and accusative singular masculine, as well as in the plural forms and the nominative/accusative singular neuter, they may have been inherited from the parent language.

In the feminine Gothic is more conservative, maintaining noun endings except in the genitive singular, and the genitive and dative plural. The following inflection of *halbs 'half' may be assumed for late Proto-Germanic, with reflexes in the dialects. 

PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Masc.Nom.sg. halbaz halbs halfr healf halb Masc.Gen.sg. halbas halbis halfs healfes halbes Masc.Dat.sg. halbazmai halbamma hölbom healfum halbemu Masc.Acc.sg. halbanōm halbana halfan healbne halban Masc.Nom.pl. halbay halbái halber healbe halbe Masc.Gen.pl. halbaysam halbáizē halbra healbra halbero Masc.Dat.pl. halbaymis halbáim hölbom halbum halbēm Masc.Acc.pl. halbanz halbans halba halbe halbe Neut.Nom.sg. halbatam halb(ata) halbt healf halb Neut.Nom/Acc.pl. halbā halba hölb halfu halbu Fem.Nom.sg. halbō halba hōlb halbu halb Fem.Gen.sg. halbaizōs halbáizōs halbrar halbre halberu Fem.Dat.sg. halbāy halbái halbre halbre halberu Fem.Acc.sg. halbon halba halba halbe halba Fem.Nom.pl. halbōz halbōs halbar halba, -e halbo Fem.Gen.pl. halbaizō halbáizō halbra halbra halbero Fem.Dat.pl. halbaimiz halbaim hǫlbom halbum halbēm Fem.Acc.pl. halbōz halbōs halbar halba, -e halbo 

3.5.2. The Weak Inflection of Adjectives 
The basis of the endings was presented in section 3.3.2 above.
 The n-stems PGmc Go. ON OE OHG Masc.Nom.sg. halbō halba halbe halba halbo Masc.Gen.sg. halbenaz halbins halba halban halben Masc.Dat.sg. halbeni halbin halba halban halben Masc.Acc.sg. halbonun halban halba halban halbon Masc.Nom.pl. halbaniz halbans hǫlbu halban halbon Masc.Gen.pl. halbanōm halbanē hǫlba halbena halbōno Masc.Dat.pl. halbammiz halbam hǫlbom halbum halbōm Masc.Acc.pl. halbunz halbans hǫlbu halban halbon Neut.Nom/Acc.sg. halbō halbō halba halbe halba Neut.Nom/Acc.pl. halbōnō halbōna hǫlbo halban halbun Fem.Nom.sg. halbōn halbō halba halbe halba Fem.Gen.sg. halbōn(i)z halbōns hǫlbo halban halbūn Fem.Dat.sg. halbōni halbōn hǫlbo halban halbūn Fem.Acc.sg. halbōnum halbōn hǫlbo halban halbūn Fem.Nom.pl. halbōniz halbōns hǫlbu halban halban Fem.Gen.pl. halbōnam halbōnō hǫlbu halbena halbōno Fem.Dat.pl. halbamm(iz) halbōm hǫlbom halbum halbōm Fem.Acc.pl. halbōnz halbōns hǫlbo halban halbūn

3.5.3. The Comparison of Adjectives
 Adjectives are also inflected in comparative and superlative degrees. The formations are treated in derivational morphology, section 4.8 3.6. The Numerals The first three cardinal numerals are inflected; the cardinals are listed in section 6.6.1. The ordinal numerals are inflected in the weak declension.

3.7. Inflection of Verbs 
3.7.1. Origin of the Tense System
 As noted above, verbs are inflected for tense, mood, number, and person. They also have nominal forms, the infinitive and participles. Four forms of the bases are listed as the principal parts, as illustrated here by the Old High German forms of the verb 'to see': infinitive sehan, preterite 1/3 singular sah, preterite 1 plural sāhum, past participle gisehan. From these, presumably all forms of the verb can be identified or produced. There are two major classes of verbs, as determined by their inflection for tense.

The class in which the inflections for tense are indicated by a change of vowel in the base is called "strong," after a term introduced by Jacob Grimm; sehan, sah is an example. 

The other class, where differences of tense are indicated by a dental suffix, is called "weak," also after Grimm; because the same base is used throughout the preterite, only three principal parts are given, as for OE legan, legde, gilegd 'lay'. 

Both classes are inflected in two moods, indicative and subjunctive, which are distinguished by endings, as are also singular and plural number, first, second and third person. 

Verbs also have an imperative, and medio-passive forms have survived in the present of Gothic. Paradigms for these are given below. In previous grammars the inflections have been related to those of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, as by Prokosch (1939:147-159). 

Since the discovery of Hittite, on the other hand, it has become clear that the Germanic inflections are continuations of the pattern in Proto-Indo-European; the more complex inflections in Sanskrit, Greek and Latin, on the other hand, are later developments in these dialects. The Germanic verb system was formed when the early language still maintained characteristics of Active language structure. 

Active languages distinguish three classes of verbs: active/animate, stative/inanimate, and a small class of involuntary or impersonal verbs. Characteristic verbs of these classes were pointed out in 1897 by Delbrück, but he did not associate them with an earlier structural type (Gdr. 4:178-213, 417-478). 

Among active verbs he listed those for 'eat', 'bite', 'creep'; among stative verbs he listed those indicating joy, sorrow, satisfaction (cf. Lehmann 1993:218-223, 2002:77-81). The small class has three subsets: verbs referring to natural phenomena like raining; verbs referring to psychological states or conditions, like being disgusted; verbs referring to necessity, obligation or capability, like 'it is necessary'.

 Moreover, lacking a verb for 'have', the meaning was expressed in the proto-language with the pronoun in the dative and the third singular of the verb 'to be', as in Latin mihi est 'to me is = I have'. 

When the tense system was introduced, the two large classes were combined to make up the Germanic conjugation, in which the preterite originally indicated a state, as do the Hittite preterite and originally the Greek and Sanskrit perfect. The impersonal verbs were the basis of the preterite-presents, so named because they arose from preterite forms but came to have present meaning.

3.7.2. The Strong Verb System
The arrangements of the strong verbs in seven classes reflect the earlier distinction. In verbs of the first five classes, the present tense forms are continuations of active inflection in accordance with their active/animate meanings, e.g. Class I Go. steigan 'climb', Class II kiusan 'choose', Class III hilpan 'help', Class IV niman 'take, accept', Class V lisan 'read'; the preterite is based at least in part on the perfect of Proto-Indo-European, which indicated state as the result of completed action. 

Unlike the first five strong verb classes, the sixth and seventh have the base form in the preterite. The evidence for this arrangement in the sixth and seventh classes was recognized by Prokosch (1939:150-151), following Brugmann and Wood, but was not explained. The basis is now clear. 

Many verbs of these two classes indicate a state rather than action, e.g. standan 'stand', haitan 'call, be called'. Their meanings then corresponded to that of the early Indo-European stative, and accordingly their base form was used to make the Germanic preterite rather than the present, e.g. PIE stā-, Go. stōþ 'stood', PIE kēyd-, OE hēt 'was called'; they then formed a new present tense form, as illustrated with the infinitives above.

This explanation receives support from the weak preterite, which was based on the addition of a *dh-suffix that indicated state (Lehmann 1943). 

It receives additional support from verbs that maintained the inflection of the perfect (stative) but shifted their meaning, such as Gk oîda, Go. wait 'I know' from the base *weid- 'see'; rather than retention as preterite of the root, the form shifted in meaning from 'I have seen' to 'I know'. 

Further discussion is included below, as in treatment of the sixth and seventh classes of the strong verbs. The First Five Classes of Strong Verbs 
The five classes are traditionally labeled by the vocalism of their bases. The first class has a base vowel -ei- plus a consonant, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb steigan, staig, stigum, stigans 'climb'. 

The second class has a base vowel -eu- (Gothic i < e) plus a consonant, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb kiusan, kaus, kusum, kusans 'choose'. 

The third class has a base vowel -e- and one of the resonants l, m, n, r plus a consonant, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb hilpan, halp, hulpum, hulpans 'help'. 

The fourth class has a base vowel -e- followed by one of the resonants, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb stilan, stal, stēlum, stulans 'steal'. 

The fifth class has a base vowel -e- followed by one of the other consonants, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb lisan, las, lēsum, lisans 'read'. The Sixth and Seventh Classes of Strong Verbs 
The original verbs of the sixth and seventh classes have, as noted above, the base form in the preterite because their meaning was stative. Since new forms were created for the present, and these vary, they must be noted individually. 

The forms of the seventh class verbs have many special problems. The base form in verbs of the sixth class is parallel to that of the fourth and fifth classes, but the vowel was long, consisting originally of -e- plus a laryngeal, as in the base given as PIE stā- < stex- 'stand', cf. Gk hístāmi, hístēmi.

In Germanic this was followed by *nt > nd and þ, as in the principal parts of the Gothic verb standan, stōþ, stōþum standans. 

The base form in most of the verbs of the seventh class is parallel to that of the first three classes, again with long vowel, as in the principal parts of the Old High German verbs heizan, hiaz, hiazum, giheizan 'call', loufan, lief, liefum, giloufan 'leap', and rātan, riet, rieten, giratan 'advise'.

3.7.3. The Four Classes of Weak Verbs
The four classes of weak verbs are distinguished by their suffixes, and also by their meaning. Class 1 has a -ja- suffix based on PIE -éye/o- with -a- from PIE -o- in the root, as in PGmc lagjan 'lay' in contrast with PGmc ligan 'lie'; as in this verb they have causative or factitive meaning. 

While many in this class are based on verbal roots, others are based on nominals, such as hailjan 'heal'. Class 2 has a suffix based on -ō- from PIE -ā- as in salbōn 'anoint' and are chiefly denominatives; cf. OHG salfs 'a salve'.

Class 3 has an -ái- suffix, as illustrated by the Go. preterite habáida (cf. the infinitive haban) and OHG habēta, though not in the other dialects, as in OE hæfde 'had'. 

Class 4 has a -nō- suffix based on PIE -nā-, as in Go. waknōda, with a shortened form in ON vaknaþe 'wakened'; the vowel was also weakened in the present, as in Go. wakna, ON vakna 'I waken'. Verbs of the class have inchoative or middle meaning.

3.8. The Inflected Forms
The present tense inflected forms may be illustrated by the Proto-Germanic verb neman, forms of which are among the best attested in Gothic, including the dual, and also in the other dialects. Gothic forms are listed for comparison:

Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Indicative Subjunctive Imperative
1 sg. nemō nemai nima nimáu
2 sg. nemes nemais nem nimis nimáis nim
3 sg. nemeþ nemai nemadáu nimiþ nimái nimadáu
1 du. nemōs nemaiwa nimōs nimáiwa
2 du. nemats nemaits nemats nimats nimáits nimats
1 pl. nemam nemaima nimam nimáima
2 pl. nemeþ namaiþ nemiþ nimiþ nimáiþ nimiþ
3 pl. nemand nemaina nemandáu nimand nimáina nimandáu

The forms of the preterite are as follows:

Indicative Subjunctive Indicative Subjunctive
1 sg. nam nēmjai nam nēmjáu
2 sg. namt nēmīs namt nēmeis
3 sg. nam nēmi nam nēmi
1 du. nēmu nēmu
2 du. nēmuts nēmīts nēmuts nēmeits
1 pl. nēmum nēmīma nēmum nēmeima
2 pl. nēmuþ nēmīþ nēmuþ nēmeiþ
3 pl. nēmun nēmīna nēmun nēmeina

The forms of the weak verbs are comparable to those of the strong verbs in the present, although the suffixes must be noted. Proto-Germanic examples in the present singular are as follows (with the plural forms being like those of the strong verbs):

Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4
1 sg. lagja sōkja salbō haba wakna
2 sg. lagjes sōkīs salbōs habáis waknēs
3 sg. lagjeþ sōkīþ salbōþ habáiþ waknēþ

Singular forms of the weak verb preterite are as follows (with the plural forms being like those of strong verbs):

Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4
1 sg. lagida salbōda habáida waknada
2 sg. lagidēs salbōdēs habáidēs waknadēs
3 sg. lagida salbōda habáida waknada

Forms of the passive present have also been attested in Gothic, where the subjunctive endings are based on the innovated -áu in the first singular. Only occasional examples are attested in the other dialects.

Proto-Germanic Gothic
Indicative Subjunctive Indicative Subjunctive
1 sg. lagjada lagjaidai lagjada lagjáidáu
2 sg. lagjaza lagjaizai lagjaza lagjáizáu
3 sg. lagjada lagjaidai lagjada lagjáidáu
1-3 pl. lagjanda lagjaindai lagjanda lagjáindáu

There are three non-finite forms: the infinitive, e.g. neman, lagjan; the present participle, e.g. nemands, lagjands; the past participle, e.g. numans, lagiþs. The present participle is inflected like a weak adjective; the feminine nominative ends in -ī, e.g. nemandī, lagjandī.

3.9. The Preterite-Presents
As noted above, the third class of verbs as developed from the stative stage has preterite forms with present meanings, and in accordance with the emphasis on morphology in the 19th century it was labeled "preterite-present." 

As with wáit, earlier 'I have seen', their basic meaning in the Indo-European perfect was stative but corresponded to an activity in the present rather than in the past. Similarly, PGmc dars corresponds to Gk tharséō 'I am courageous'; from a meaning corresponding to 'I am in a state of being courageous', the meaning 'I dare' developed.

The preterite-present verbs are inflected like the first six classes of strong verbs. Because the endings are like those of the strong verb preterite, only the first singular and first plural present, and also the first singular preterite and the past participle are given here, listed by classes.

Some of them are found in other Indo-European dialects as well, notably the equivalent of wáit: Skt véda, Gk oĩda 'I know'. These are o-grade forms of the Proto-Indo-European base weid- 'see'. It is instructive to note that the Lat. vīdī 'I have seen' was continued as the regular perfect form of videō 'I see'. 

In Sanskrit, Greek and Germanic, on the other hand, the completed action was treated as a state, and then shifted semantically to 'I know'. The shift in the other verbs is comparable, as is clear from their vocalism. The principal parts of Gothic preterite-present verbs are as follows:

Pres. Sg. Pres. Pl. Pret. Past Ptc. Gloss
1 wait witum wissa wiss 'know'
áih áihum áihta áihan 'have'
2 dáug dugum duhta 'it suffices'
3 kann kunnum kunþa kunþs 'know'
ann unnum unþa unnan 'love'
þarf þurfum þaúrfta þaúrft 'have need of'
ga-dars ga-daúrsum ga-dursta 'dare'
4 skal skulum skulda skuld 'have to'
man mumum munda mund 'believe'
5 ganah binaúhts 'is adequate'
6 mag magum mahta maht 'be able'
ōg ōgum ōhta 'fear'
ga-mōt mōtum ga-mōhta 'find'

3.10. The Uses of the Forms
The uses of the indicative tense verb forms are comparable to those in the current Germanic languages, which mark the basic contrast between present time and past time. 

Present tense forms are also employed to express future time; but compound forms with auxiliaries gradually replace them, for the most part, in the dialects.

There may be some retention of aspect, especially in the preterite forms.

The subjunctive forms are used to indicate uncertainty, as well as in some subordinate clauses. Fuller treatment will be given in the section on the structure of sentences.

The uses of the imperative, the infinitive and the participles are comparable to those in the current languages.

The uses of the nominal forms are comparable to those in the current Germanic languages. As exemplified above, duals are maintained in some inflections; they invariably represent two entities, so that the plurals are less coverable in the relevant paradigms.

Suffixation was the primary means for producing new forms in Proto-Germanic derivational morphology, as it was in inflectional morphology. Both processes in this way continued the procedures of late Proto-Indo-European. 

At an early stage of Proto-Indo-European, nouns consisted simply of a root or a base, some of which were maintained in the early dialects. Among examples are reflexes like Skt pā́t, Lat. pēs 'foot', vōx 'voice', cor 'heart'. When such nouns were used in sentences, the root or base would often have been modified for phonological reasons. 

The root for 'foot' is ped, as illustrated in the Latin genitive singular pedis; the -d was elided before the consonantal ending in the nominative. The root for vōx is vōk-, the noun ending -s combined with -k- to yield -x. 

The final consonant -d of the neuter noun cord- 'heart' was lost in the Latin nominative cor, as illustrated by the genitive cordis. But the root or base of such nouns was maintained if vocalic particles were suffixed to them. In the course of time such suffixes were added to most nouns to produce stems, to which inflectional endings were added.

The most common nominal stems were formed with PIE -e/o- and -ā-; among others were i-stems, u-stems, and n-stems. The Gothic form for 'foot' is a u-stem, fōtus; its form for 'heart' is an n-stem, hairtō, genitive hairtins. In these, as well as in the forms of the other Germanic dialects, the base is maintained throughout. 

The original meanings of such suffixes may be determined only in general; they were obscured as more and more nouns were added to the paradigms of the stems that had been developed. Moreover, the process of deriving further nouns through suffixation was maintained. 

For example, a noun meaning 'stride' was produced by adding the -ja- suffix to *fōt- in Proto-Germanic, yielding the Old Norse reflex fet. Such suffixes will be examined in section 4.2 below.

By another process, many forms in early Proto-Indo-European had been derived through ablaut, modification of the vowel of the base, as in the production of various forms of verbs as well as nouns. The results are referred to as grades: -o- as deflected grade of -e-, the normal grade; -ē- and -ō- as lengthened grades; loss of the vowel as zero grade. 

Gk hodeĩn 'sell' < 'set' beside hézomai 'sit' illustrates derivation from the root *sed- by means of o-grade; Lat. sēdō 'comfort' beside sedeō 'sit' illustrates derivation by means of lengthened grade. Nouns were similarly formed with ablaut grades. 

Beside Greek hédos 'seat' with normal grade, Old Irish has an o-grade form in suide < *sodyom 'seat' and Germanic has a lengthened grade form in OHG gisāzi 'seat'. English nest < PIE ni-zd-os illustrates derivation by means of zero grade. 

In Germanic, derived verbs may differ in grade from that of the base, but their primary characteristic is a suffix, as in Go. satjan 'cause to sit' beside sitan 'sit'. Unlike affixation, vowels change through ablaut was no longer productive in Germanic after the pitch > stress accents had become fixed on the root. 

While some new forms were produced by analogy with the established ablaut patterns, new nominal and verbal forms were derived in Germanic by affixation, in the early stage by suffixation.

As noted above, the derivational suffixes developed from particles. Many of these were short, such as the -t in Go. mahts, mahtis, OE meaht, OHG maht 'might'. Others were somewhat longer, such as the -ter in Gk patḗr, NHG Vater and other kinship terms. 

Single elements, referred to as enlargements or determinatives, were attached in an early period, so that it is difficult to determine the meanings they conveyed. Benveniste (1935) did so for the *dh determinative, however, finding that it indicated state.

The meanings conveyed by suffixes, such as that of the -en/on-, are more transparent than are those of the determinatives. The -en/on- suffix, as Hirt (1934, 3:188-190) pointed out following Brugmann, indicated 'living beings, specific individuals'. 

The meaning of specificity was the original basis of the weak declension of adjectives in Germanic, as in Hirt's examples of the German adjective blind 'blind': with strong declension, as in ein blinder Mensch 'a blind person' and nominalized as in ein Blinder 'a blind man', it indicates generally someone who is blind, while with weak declension, as in der blinde Junge 'the (specific) blind boy', and nominalized as in der Blinde it indicates a distinct individual. 

On the basis of its reference to individuals, the n- suffix also came to be used for names in Latin, such Rūfō, Rūfōnis 'Red' versus rūfus as the general adjective form for a red object; similarly, the n-stem Catō is a proper name beside the adjective catus 'intelligent'. 

Because the meaning conveyed by -en/on- and that of many other suffixes can be identified, while those of most determinatives cannot, it is assumed that suffixes were added at a relatively late stage of Proto-Indo-European, and the process continued in the dialects.

Suffixes were also added in verbs, as noted above in the four Germanic weak classes: in Class 1 the suffix is -ja- from PIE -yo-; in Class 2 it is -ō-; in Class 3 it is -ē-; in Class 4 it is -na-. These and their meanings will be treated more fully below. 

Determinatives were also added, as to the first three classes of strong verbs, e.g. Go. beitan 'bite' < PIE bey + d, Go. giutan 'pour' < PIE gʰew + d, Go. wairþan 'become' from PIE wer + t, and also the verbs of Class 6, as in Go. standan 'stand' from PIE stā + d and nasal infix in Gothic, and of Class 7, as in Go. haitan 'call, be called' from PIE kēy + d. 

Because they were well-established in Proto-Indo-European, many roots plus their determinatives are listed as primary forms, for example, bheyd as the basis of Go. beitan 'bite'. 

When on the other hand additions consisted of more than one element, such as the -ter- suffix for kinship terms, the Proto-Indo-European forms are treated as the basic words, although the words for 'father' and 'mother' are tentatively derived from the nursery terms pa and ma with the -ter- suffix. 

At a still later stage of Indo-European, and in the individual dialects, nouns were affixed. Some of these came to be suffixes.

The noun haidus 'manner' remained independent in Gothic but is reflected in English as the suffix -hood, as in manhood, and in German as the suffix -heit, as in Reinheit 'cleanliness'. 

Similarly the noun *dōm- 'condition', which remained independent in Go. dōms 'fame, reputation', is reflected in the English suffix -dom as in kingdom, and in ON -dómr as in jarldómr 'earldom'. 

Remarkably, these are not found as suffixes in Gothic; their absence suggests that they were adapted as such only in the later Germanic dialects, but not in East Germanic. The process of adding nouns that became suffixes is also found with adjectives. 

For example, the noun leik 'body', which remained independent in Gothic, came also to be used as an adjectival suffix, as in Go. missa-leiks 'various', cf. the adverb missō 'reciprocally', and in ON mis-līkr, OE mis-līc, OHG mis-līk 'various'. 

It came to be widely used, in NE -like and -ly, and in NHG -lich. As illustrated by the English suffix -ly, short forms of suffixes continued to develop, but in the contemporary Germanic languages reflexes of full words remain prominent in derivation. 

The derivational suffixes are treated further below, as well as those based on full words. Prefixes for nouns and for verbs will then be examined, as well as compounds, and analogous processes in other parts of speech. 

4.1. Types of Affixed Nominals by Meaning 
When derivational affixes are attached to nominal elements, they often determine the meaning of the new form, and may further create classes that can survive, as for example NE -hood, which indicates a meaning of state or situation when used as suffix on nouns such as boyhood, neighborhood, etc. General classes of this type are found from language to language. 

In grammars of the Indo-European languages they are given Latin names, e.g. nomina agentis and nomina actionis. Such classes for the Germanic languages are given here, with examples. Agent nouns, often referred to by the Latin term nomina agentis, indicate individuals, for example ON vargr 'wolf, outlaw' and Go. fiskja 'fisherman'.

 They make up a large number of nouns, many of them derived from verbs, cf. Go. fiskōn 'to fish'. They also are derived with various suffixes other than the -e/o- and -je/jo- suffixes of these two words; for instance: PGmc -eþ/oþ- as in OE hæleð 'hero', the -ingo/ungo- suffix in ON víkingr 'Viking', the -(i)lo- suffix in Runic erilaR 'earl', and the suffix also used in the active present participle -ōnd- as in Go. frijōnds 'friend', as well as several others. 

Examples of the suffixes for other meaning classes will be given in section 4.2 below. Action nouns, often referred to by the Latin term nomina actionis, indicate activities and their effects, for example Go. daupeins 'baptism' and laþōns 'invitation'. These are formed primarily from verbs, cf. Go. daupjan 'baptize, wash', laþōn 'invite'. 

A large group of abstract nouns, based chiefly on nominal but also verbal elements, such as Go. reiki 'realm, authority' based on reiks 'ruler', also have forms based on adjectives, such as Go. managei 'multitude' from manags 'many' and diupiþa 'depth' from diups 'deep'. Those words based on verbs have various suffixes, such as -þi- in Go. gebaurþs 'birth' from the verb bairan 'bear, give birth'. Collectives were formed with various affixes, especially the prefix ga- as in Go. gafaurds 'council', a group coming together. 

Diminutives were derived using various suffixes, some made with -l- as in Go. barnilō 'small child', others with -īna as in OHG geizzīn 'young goat', and still others with widely used suffixes, such as -chen and -lein of modern German. Some names of animals were formed with -k, as in Go. ahaks 'dove' and OE hafoc 'hawk'. Patronymics and names of peoples were based on the suffix -ing, such as Go. Tervingi, the designation of the West Goths or a group of them. 

Words for feminines were derived from masculines by a process called in German Movierung 'motion', with the suffixes -jō- as in Go. frijōndi versus frijōnds 'friend' and with -ōn- as in Go. arbjō beside arbja 'heir'. Adjectives indicating descent were based on -iska-, as in OE denisc 'Danish'. 

Adjectives for materials were based on -īna-, as in Go. gulþeins 'golden'. Adjectives indicating colors were based on the suffix -wa-, as in OHG blāo 'bluish', cf. Lat. flāvus 'golden yellow'. 4.2. 

Forms of Nominal Suffixes In the derivation of nominal elements, suffixes with dental consonants plus vowels are most prominent, notably those with reflexes of PIE t, n, and with the resonants y (> Germanic j), l and r. Some suffixes are also made with reflexes of Proto-Indo-European d, s, k and g, but very few with the labials including w. 

In his Germanic grammar, Grimm (repr. 1878-1898) listed large numbers of the suffixed forms, as have others like Wilmanns (1899). Here the primary attention is given to the processes, and these are illustrated with representative examples, often from only one Germanic dialect.

4.2.1. Derivation with Reflexes of -t- and Accompanying Vowels
The -te/to, -tā- suffixes were characteristically used to derive participial nominals from verbs in Proto-Indo-European. In Germanic they indicate a state resulting from action, as expressed in the root and its verb. 

Among the forms derived with -to- are the noun OHG haft m. 'fetter' and the adjective haft 'captive' beside heffan 'lift', cf. Latin captus 'captured'; similarly, OHG lioht nt. 'light', adjective lioht 'illuminating', cf. Gk leukós 'white', Lat. lux 'light', both with unshifted -t- after -f- and -χ- > -h-. Among examples with -tā- are OHG forhta f. 'fear' beside the adjective Go. faurhts 'fearful'.

The -ti- and -tu- suffixes were commonly used to form verbal abstracts, -ti- for feminines, -tu- for masculines, as in Go. us-wahts f. 'growth', Go. wahstus m. 'stature', beside the verb wahsjan 'grow'. 

Feminine nouns with -ti- occur with different ablaut grades in different Gmc dialects as a result of placement of the accent, as in Go. ansts f. 'grace, favor', but OHG ab-unst 'envy' beside the OHG verb an, unnan 'permit'. 

Moreover, as in lioht and wahstus, the suffix assumed different forms in accordance with the final consonants of the base; after f, s, and h, the t remained unshifted. In some forms the t was shifted to d in accordance with Verner's Law, e.g. Go. flōdus 'stream', OE flōd 'flood' beside OE flōwan 'overflow'.

When standing after vowels, some Indo-European suffixes also developed as distinct forms that included a vowel, and of these the most frequent reflexes in Germanic are those formed with -i- as in Go. -iþa, -ida, e.g. diupiþa 'depth'. Others are formed with -ō- as in Go. -ōþus, -ōdus, e.g. gabaúrjōþus 'pleasure', áuhjōdus 'noise'.

A number of nouns exhibit reflexes of PIE -nt, for example Go. frijōnds 'friend', fijands 'enemy'. This suffix was also the basis of the present participle of Go. friijōn 'love', i.e. frijōnd, and of fījan 'hate', i.e. fījand; it came to be used for agent nouns, as in Go. allwaldands, ON allsvaldendi, OE ealwealdend, OHG alawaltant 'Almighty, Ruler (of all)'.

Less frequent are derived forms with the extended suffix -tūti > Go. -dūþs, as in gamáindūþs 'fellowship' beside the adjective gamáins 'common'.
When following a stem ending in PGmc -at-, cf. verbs like Go. lauhatjan 'lighten', the suffix -tu- combined with it to develop Go. -assus, and further, -inassus, as in ufarassus 'abundance' and fraujinassus 'mastery'. 

The modern German reflex -nis of the equivalent Old High German suffix has become very productive, as in NHG Finsternis from OHG finstarnissi, with different genders reflecting different declensional classes in OHG.

4.2.2. Derivation with Reflexes of -j-
The -jo- suffix was widely extended for forming agent nouns, especially in Old Norse; for example, all the dialects retain PGmc herd-ija-, with reflexes in Go. haírdeis, ON hirþer, OE hirde, OS hirdi, OHG hirti 'shepherd'; compare the related noun OE heord 'herd' from PIE kerdho-, kerdhā- 'herd'. Similarly, PGmc frau-jo- has reflexes in Go. fráuja, ON freyr, OS frōio 'lord', and the feminine ON freyja, OHG frouwa 'lady', as well as the form in the derived verb, Go. fraujinōn 'rule over'.

The -jo- suffix was also used to produce neuter nouns from verbs to indicate substances, such as PGmc hawja- with reflexes in Go. hawi, ON hey, OE hīeg, OHG hewe, houwe 'hay' beside the verb *hauwan 'hew'. Neuter nouns with -jo- were also formed with the prefix ga-, for example Go. garūni 'counsel' beside rūna 'plan, secret', OHG gi-rūni 'secret'. 

Others may have been based on nouns, such as Go. reiki, ON rīki, OE rīce, OHG rīchi 'realm, authority' beside Go. reiks 'ruler'; but cf. also the verb Go. reikinōn 'to rule'. The prefix *ga- was cognate with prefixes in other Indo-European languages that meant 'together with'; retention of this meaning may have been the basis for many collective nouns, especially in OHG, such as gi-witari 'storm' beside OHG wetar 'weather'; like NHG Gewitter, many such nouns survive in German today.

The extended form -jan- was used to derive nouns from other nouns or from verbs, for example PGmc arbija- with a reflex in Go. arbja 'heir'; Run. arbija, ON arfr, OE ierfe, OHG arbi 'inheritance', cf. Go. arbi 'inheritance'. 

Others were agent nouns produced in conjunction with verbs, such as Go. fiskja 'fisherman' beside fiskōn 'to fish'. (An alternative origin might be the noun fisks 'fish'.)

In the early period, numerous feminine nouns were based on the -jē- form of the suffix that became -ī-, such as PGmc magw-ī-, Go. mawi 'girl' beside magus, OE mēowle 'little girl'. Others were non-personal, such as Go. bandi and gabindi, ON band, OHG bant 'bond, fetter'. 

Many were based on adjectives with the -ī(n)- suffix, such as PGmc doubīn-, Go. dáubei 'deafness, stubbornness' beside dáufs 'deaf, stubborn', and PGmc gōdīn, Go. gōdei 'virtue', OHG guotī 'goodness' beside Go. gōþs 'good'.

4.2.3. Derivation with Reflexes of -n-
Derivation based on suffixes with -n- is prominent in the formation of Germanic nominals; these suffixes appear in many derivations, among them nominal forms of verbs, nouns in the weak declension, verbal abstracts in -ni, and diminutives in -līn. 

Moreover, a few forms in -na- became independent nouns, e.g. Go. barn 'child' based on the root *bher- 'bear', and Go. þegn, cf. Gk téknon 'child' from the root *tek- 'bear'.

As the strong verb system developed, the suffix in the form -ana- was added to the zero grade form of the root to produce the past participle, as in Go. bitan 'bitten' from the infinitive beitan 'bite', gutan 'poured' from the infinitive giutan 'pour'.

Similarly, the infinitive was based on the accusative form -ana-n from PIE -ono-m, as in binden 'bind', cf. Skt bandhana- '(the act of) binding'.

Examples of nouns in the weak declension are PGmc uhsno-, Go. aúhsa, gen.pl. auhsnē, ON oxi, OE oxa, OHG ohso 'ox' and PGmc buðen-, ON boþa, OE bodo, OHG boto 'messenger'.

Many of the feminine nouns in -ni were formed from weak verbs, e.g. Go. dáupeins 'baptism' from dáupjan 'baptize, wash', laþōns 'invitation' from laþōn 'invite'; a smaller number was made from strong verbs, e.g. Go. sōkns 'controversy' from sakan 'quarrel'. 

The extended form -ini- was widely used to form feminine nouns beside masculine counterparts, cf. OHG friuntīn, NHG Freundin '(female) friend' beside friunt, Freund '(male) friend', OHG kunigīn, NHG Königin 'queen' beside kunig, König 'king'.
Compound suffixes based on -ni- became highly prominent in the formation of diminutives in High German. OHG and MHG -līn was attached to nouns, as in MHG wörtelīn, NHG Wörtlein 'small word' beside Wort. 

The compound suffix with -k-, -kīn, developed to -chen as in NHG Mädchen 'girl' beside Magd 'maid', Söhnchen 'dear son' beside Sohn; it came to be more widely used than -lein for dialectal (geographical) and social reasons relating to the development of modern standard German.

4.2.4. Derivation with Reflexes of -l-
Suffixes with -l- were added to nouns to form agent nouns, instrument nouns and diminutives, as illustrated in the preceding paragraph. Others were used in simple form, as for names, e.g. Wulfila. The agent nouns were generally replaced by forms in -er, so that few remain in modern German, among them Krüppel 'a cripple'.

Many instrument nouns were based on verbs, such as Go. sitls, OHG sezzal, NHG Sessel 'seat' beside the Gothic verb sitan 'sit', Go. stōls, OHG Stuol, NHG Stuhl 'chair', NE stool, beside the root *stā- 'stand'. NHG Deckel 'cover' is an example from a weak verb, decken 'cover'.

Other nouns have no such relationships and may be borrowings, such as OHG apful 'apple'. Still others are borrowed from the classical languages, such as Go. aggilus from Gk ággelos, OHG engil, NHG Engel 'angel'; cf. also OHG tiuval, NHG Teufel 'devil', from Lat. diabolus.

4.2.5. Derivation with Reflexes of -r-
Some nouns were inherited from Indo-European with an r- suffix, such as Go. jer, OE gēar, OHG jār 'year', formed on the base *yē/ō- 'go'. It was also the suffix in the nominative/accusative of the r/n stems, as in OE wæter, OHG wazzar 'water' based on the root PIE *wed- 'flow'.

Other nouns were formed with the suffixes -ro- and -rā-, e.g. OHG fedara, NHG Feder, NE feather based on the root PIE *pet- 'fly'. The suffixes were further extended with -t- as in OHG wetar 'weather', cf. the root PIE *wē- 'blow', and -st- as in OHG bolster m. 'bolster'. 

The -ter suffix was the basis of the relationship suffix as in Lat. pater, Go. fadar, NE father. In addition many words with -r- suffixes were borrowed from the classical languages, e.g. Go. kaisar, OHG keisur from Lat. Caesar and OHG kupfer 'copper' from Lat. cuprum.

4.2.6. Derivation with Reflexes of Further Suffixes
Six additional suffixes were added to bases, but to relatively few; they then are treated together in this section. One or more characteristic examples are given for each.

Derivations with the d- suffix are found especially in Old High German, e.g. hiruz from PGmc herut, cf. NE hart and also Lat. cervus 'deer'. Others are found in personal designations, some of which are shortened forms beside names of a general pattern, such as OHG Winizo beside Winifredus 'friend of peace'.

Some derivations with the s- suffix are related to verbs, such as OHG flahs 'flax' beside the verb flehtan 'weave'. Others are independent nouns, such as OHG fuhs, OE fox beside Go. faúhō m.
Derivations with single velar suffixes are relatively rare, but the combination -ng is found with designations for persons, as in OHG kuning 'king' beside kuni 'race', and also for things, e.g. pfenning 'penny'. 

With -i- it is relatively frequent in names of peoples, such as the Thuringi, also with -l- as in Go. gadiliggs 'relative'. With -u- it has become very prominent in German to produce nouns of action from verbs, such as OHG warnunga beside the verb warnōn, NHG Warnung 'warning'.

As noted above, very few derivations are found with labial suffixes. A suffix from Proto-Germanic, -ba-, is relatively frequent in Gothic with adverbial function, as in harduba 'terribly' beside the base hard-. 

The m- suffix is more frequent and is found with following vowels on nouns as -mo- and -men- suffixes in Proto-Indo-European, for example OHG ātum 'breath', Gk atmós 'fog'. An example with accompanying verb is Go. barms, ON barmr, OE bearm, OHG barm 'lap' beside the verb, Go. baíran 'bear, give birth'.

4.2.7. Derivation with Nouns as Suffixes
As noted above in section 4.1, nouns came to be used as suffixes in the Germanic languages, though none is attested in Gothic despite equivalent nouns being found there. Fuller accounts of the suffixes and the types of nouns to which they are added may be found in the grammars of Grimm (repr. 1878-1898) and Wilmanns (1893-1909), and also in specialized monographs.

4.3. Verbal Suffixes and the Bases to which they were Added
The roots and bases of the strong verbs have no special "Germanic" suffixes like those of the weak verbs. 

Verbs in the first three classes have an enlargement on the root, for example Go. giutan 'pour' from PIE gʰew- as in Gk khéō 'I pour'; but these and similar bases were inherited from the parent language, as illustrated by the Latin cognate fundō, fūdī 'pour'.

The four weak classes on the other hand have specific suffixes with characteristic meanings that, however, do not apply to all verbs in the class. Verbs in the first weak class have an -i/j- suffix, as in Go. lagjan 'lay', preterite lagida. 

As in its contrast with ligan 'lie', the suffix adds a factitive or causative meaning. Verbs in the second weak class have an -ō- suffix, and are associated with nouns indicating the activity associated with their meaning, as in Go. swiglōn 'play the flute', gaswiglōdēdum 'we played the flute' beside swiglja 'flute player'. 

Verbs in the third weak class have an -ái- suffix and are for the most part durative in meaning, as in Go. witan 'keep watch over', preterite witáida. 

Verbs in the fourth class are found only in Gothic; they have an -na/nō- suffix and are inchoative in meaning, as in gadáuþnan 'die', gadáuþnōda; cf. the adjective dáuþs 'dead'.

Many verbs in the first weak class have "simpler" verbs, or nouns and adjectives, beside them, from which they may have been derived. Among examples of verbs like lagjan : ligan are Go. satjan : sitan 'set : sit', nasjan : ga-nisan 'save : be saved'. Among examples with nouns are Go. dáiljan : dáils 'deal out : portion', matjan : mats 'eat : food', rignjan : rign 'rain : rain'. 

Among examples with adjectives are Go. fulljan : fulls 'fill : full', láusjan : láus 'loosen : loose', ga-qiujan : qius 'make alive : alive'. As the translations indicate, many of these are maintained in the dialects, often with subsequent phonological modification (umlaut), as illustrated by set and fill.

Verbs of the second class typically have nominal forms beside them, e.g. Go. fiskōn : fisks 'to fish : fish', grēdōn : grēdus 'be hungry : hunger', spillōn : spill 'proclaim : myth'. Among examples with adjectives are Go. ga-sibjōn : un-sibjis 'be reconciled : unlawful', ga-tilōn : til 'achieve : suitable', ga-wundōn : wunds 'wound : be wounded'. A few have verbal forms beside them with the vowel of the preterite singular, e.g. Go. hʷarbōn 'go about' versus hʷaírban 'walk'.

Verbs of the third class are fewer than those of the first and second classes. Some have related verbs beside them, e.g. Go. ga-kunnan 'recognize' beside the preterite-present verb kann 'know', witan 'keep watch over' beside the preterite-present wait 'know'. 

More are derived from adjectives, e.g. Go. arman 'have pity' from arms 'pitiable', ga-þarban 'abstain from' from þarbs 'needy', OHG altēn 'grow old' from alt 'old'. A few are derived from nouns, e.g. Go. ga-þiwan 'enslave' from þius 'servant'.

Verbs of the fourth class, attested only in Gothic, are in general inchoative in meaning, but may verge on a passive meaning. They are found beside verbs and adjectives, apparently created within East Germanic. 

The suffix carries a totally different meaning from the factitive meaning of the nā- suffix of Sanskrit Class 9 verbs, as evidenced by the cognate of weihnan 'be hallowed', Skt vinákti 'separate'. Among examples are us-bruknan 'be broken off' beside brikan 'break', ga-dáuþnan 'die' beside dáuþs 'dead', minznan 'become less' beside mins 'less'.

4.3.1. Additional Suffixes
In the course of time further suffixes developed, much as the four suffixes of the weak verbs had; a few Gothic verbs illustrate how it began and was expanded. The Gothic verb fráujinōn 'rule over', based on fráuja, gen. fráujin 'lord', and the verb gudjinōn 'be a priest', based on gudja 'priest', provide examples. 

The verbs are comparable to other second class verbs that are derived from the bases of nouns, such as fiskōn : fisks, but a new suffix -inōn was "clipped" from them, on the basis of which further verbs were made from nouns other than ja-stems, cf. Go. aírinōn 'be a messenger' from aírus 'messenger', lēkinōn 'heal' from lēkeis 'physician'.

In the same way a suffix -izōn was clipped from Go. hatizōn 'be angry', based on hatis 'hatred, anger'; this example has the further interest that a first class weak verb, hatjan 'hate', and a third class verb, hatan 'hate', already existed in Gothic. 

Another verb with the new suffix is walwisōn 'roll about' beside af-walwjan 'roll away'; it may be assumed that there was a Proto-Germanic noun *walwiz, but a reflex is not attested in Gothic (Lehmann 1986:9).

Similarly, the bases from which verbs in -atjan were formed are not attested, although the stem may be found in a noun of different formation, as with Go. láuhatjan 'flash like lightning' beside láuhmuni 'lightning', or in another, related verb, as with Go. swōgatjan 'sigh' beside af-swōgjan 'sigh deeply', or there may be no comparable base, as for káupatjan 'strike'.

We may attribute the absence of such bases to the small amount of text that we have for Gothic, and to its type, for many more examples are found in the languages attested later, such as Old High German. 

There, for example, a number of verbs are attested with the (shifted consonantal) reflex of -atjan, such as lohazzen 'flame up' and vlogarazzen 'fly', as well as in the later language, cf. MHG blinzen 'blink'. 

Moreover, suffixes that might have developed in Gothic, as from the third weak class verb swiglōn 'play the flute' beside swiglja 'flute player', cf. OE swegalōn 'play the flute' were not clipped and used with bases other than those ending in -l as they were in Old High German, which has numerous such verbs, e.g. betōlōn 'beg' beside betōn, beten 'pray' as well as many in modern German with -eln, such as betteln. 

The same applies to other suffixes, for example those with -r-, such as NHG -ern in füttern 'feed', with -k- or -sk-, such as NHG horchen 'hear', and with -g-, such as heiligen 'sanctify'. The development is clear and readily exemplified in the Germanic languages of today, all of which include numerous suffixes for deriving verbs.

4.4. Derivation of Verbs by Means of Prefixes
Because OV languages do not have prefixation, its use in the early Germanic languages requires explanation. To simplify this presentation, material will be taken primarily from its specific application in Gothic. 

As Jacob Grimm (repr. 1878-1898) and others have pointed out, prefixation provided the means for indicating perfective meaning, as on verbs (Wilmanns 1899, I: 167-173). Proto-Germanic was developing from a distinction between animate/active and inanimate/stative meaning in the present and preterite of verbs. 

The distinction between imperfective and perfective meaning then was expressed through the use of prefixes, especially ga-, which could be applied to any verb form, as in the Gothic version of Luke 8:8: saei habái áusona du háusjan, gaháusjái 'whoever has ears to hear, let him listen', with imperfective 'hear' vs. perfective 'listen'. 

The aspectual distinction is not due to translation of the Greek, which reads: ho ékhōn ṓ́ta akoúein akouétō 'he having ears to hear, let him hear', with the imperative simply in the present tense.

As in this passage, the most frequent prefix indicating perfective aspect was ga-, a cognate of Latin com-, which like the preposition cum typically meant 'together with'. 

The inherited meaning of ga- is clear in Gothic verbal forms like ga-háitan 'call together' in contrast with háitan 'call, be called', and in nouns like ga-brūka '(something broken together), crumb', OE ge-broc 'fragment'. 

But the perfective meaning comes to predominate, as is clear in many verbs such as Go. ga-lūkan 'lock up', ga-malwjan 'grind up'. In time it comes to stand especially with past participles, as in German today. 

Curiously, it has not been maintained in English inflected forms, where the perfect tenses as well as the simple past participle indicate perfective aspect.

In Grimm's view, the other prefixes also indicated perfective aspect, but it is less evident and no longer included for some verbs. The Gothic prefix and- often has its etymological meaning of 'towards, opposite', as in verbs like and-hafjan 'answer', and-sakan 'speak against', and-standan 'withstand'. 

But it also has a less specific meaning and adds a perfective status in verbs like and-háitan 'acknowledge' beside háitan 'call, be called', and-háusjan 'listen' beside háusjan 'hear', and-niman 'receive' beside niman 'take, accept', or a somewhat weaker expression of opposition as in and-qiþan 'speak with'. In some verbs it has a privative meaning, as in Go. and-wasjan 'undress' as opposed to wasjan 'dress'.

Similarly, the Gothic prefix bi-, a cognate of English by 'nearby', has its literal meaning in verbs like bi-rinnan 'surround' beside rinnan 'run' and bi-standan 'stand about', while adding primarily a perfective sense in some verbs like bi-gitan 'find' and its Old English cognate in bi-gietan 'receive, produce', as in NE beget beside get. 

In this way it illustrates the general development of such prefixes from concrete meaning to grammatical use with little distinction from the simple verb as in Go. bi-laígōn 'lick' like the simple verb OE liccian.

The Gothic prefix dis- has the meaning 'away', as in dis-dáiljan 'distribute' beside dáiljan 'divide', dis-skáidan 'distribute' beside skáidan 'separate', dis-taíran 'tear apart' beside OE teran 'tear'. But it can also convey a meaning of greater intensity as in dis-driusan 'fall on' beside driusan 'fall', dis-haban 'take, hold' beside haban 'have', dis-sitan 'seize' beside sitan 'sit'.

The three prefixes, Go. faír-, faúr, fra-, have several interests, among them that they have fallen together in German as ver-. Each forms a compound verb with -rinnan 'run' as given here with its meaning: Go. faír-rinnan 'extend to', faúr-rinnan 'go before', fra-rinnan 'meet up with'. 

The etymology of faír- is unclear, and accordingly its original meaning is unknown. That of faúr- is assumed to be PIE pṛ- 'forward'; its meaning in Gothic is then in accordance with that of its Indo-European source, so that it contributes to the sense of the compound verb rather than providing perfective force. 

The etymology of fra- is PIE pro 'forward, ahead'; it maintains this meaning in many of its compounds, such as fra-atjan 'give away (to be consumed)', fra-itan 'devour' beside itan 'eat'. On the other hand, fra-niman 'take along' and fra-baíran 'endure' like NE forbear has perfective meaning. 

The perfective meaning provided by fra- may be clearly indicated by the distinction between the forms of giban and fra-giban in John 10:28-29, which also includes forms of two verbs with the prefix, fra-qistnan and fra-wilwan, both with perfective meaning:

28. jah ik libain aiweinōn giba im, jah ni fraqistnand áiw; jah ni frawilwiþ hʷashun þō us handáu meinái. 29. atta meins þatei fragaf mis, maízō alláim ist, jah ni áiw áinshun mag frawilwan þō us handan attins meinis.

'And I give unto them eternal life; and they shall never perish, neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand. My Father, which gave them me, is greater than all; and no man is able to pluck them out of my Father's hand.'

The simple verb giba in verse 28 has imperfective meaning: "I give unto them eternal life" while the prefixed verb fragaf has perfective force: "My Father, who gave them to me" as does the verb frawilwiþ: "no man is able to pluck them out of my Father's hand."

These examples illustrate further the gradual shift of the meaning that is often conveyed by the prefixes, so that the prefixed forms come to have a distinct lexical meaning rather than one that reflects directly the meaning of the two elements, as we may also note with examples like English forgive in contrast with give.

4.5. Derivation of Nouns by Means of Prefixes.
Prefixes used for the derivation of verbs are also used for the derivation of nouns, for example PGmc ga- and the preposition us-/ur-. The prefix ga- maintains much of its etymological meaning 'together' as it does in OHG gi-bruoder 'brethren'. 

Among Gothic examples are ga-arbja 'co-heir', ga-háit 'promise' beside háitan 'name', ga-rūni 'counsel' beside rūna 'plan, secret'. But it also has transferred meanings, as in ga-gūdei 'piety'. The prefix us- also retains much of its meaning as a preposition, 'out of', as in Go. us-luk 'opening', cf. OE lūcan 'close', in us-met 'manner of life', cf. mitan 'measure', from 'measure out' to 'behave', as also in us-farþō 'departure', and uz-ēta 'crib from which animals feed'. But it is less specific in us-filh 'burial' beside filhan 'bury, conceal' as in ON fela 'hide, conceal'.

Similarly, other prefixes, which in some derivations have their literal meaning, have in others a transferred meaning, for example nouns with the prefix af 'from', such as Go. af-stass 'divorce' with af and a noun with -ti- based on standan 'stand', and Go. af-etja 'glutton' with af and a noun with -ja- based on itan 'eat', in which af has its literal meaning as it also does in af-lageins 'forgiveness' beside the verb af-lagjan 'put off'. In Go. af-gudei 'ungodliness', on the other hand, it corresponds to the negative prefix un-.

Similarly, nouns with the prefix ana 'at, on' maintain the meaning of the preposition in nouns such as Go. ana-būsns 'command' with ana and a noun related to the verb Go. ana-biudan 'command' and OHG biotan 'bid, offer, order', Go. ana-láugnei 'concealment' with ana and a noun related to the verb láugnjan 'deny', while the meaning is somewhat modified in Go. ana-qiss 'blasphemy' with ana and a noun related to qiþan 'speak'.

The process of deriving nouns through prefixation is maintained and expanded in the later dialects, such as English and German. 

Except for derivatives with the negative prefix un- the process is not as well developed in Gothic as in the dialects, in which many of the prefixed forms are based on Latin counterparts. Nor has it been applied in inflection, as is the prefix ge- in the past participle of German. Moreover, suffixation is carried out more widely. 

But it was clearly applied in late Proto-Germanic as the vocabulary was expanded to cover educational, technical, and theological topics.

4.6. Compound-Nouns
Compounds comparable to those in the other early Indo-European languages were also included in the Germanic lexicon. To demonstrate their antiquity in Germanic, Kluge pointed out (1913:228-32) that they are attested in names of peoples and places that are recorded in Latin texts, e.g. Langobardi < 'having long beards' and Scadinavia < 'dangerous isle'.

Similarly, borrowings into other languages, such as Finnish napa-kaira 'borer', cf. OHG naba-gēr, and Old Slavic vrŭto-gradŭ 'garden', cf. Go. aúrti-gard 'root-garden' must have been taken from Proto-Germanic. 

Compounds are also prominent in Germanic proper names recorded in the classical sources, such as Ariovistus and Sigimerus, as well as in the runes, e.g. Hlewagastiz.

The early lexicon included compounds of the four prominent Indo-European types that are well-known from Sanskrit: posessives/bahuvrihi, such as Go. haúh-haírts 'arrogant, high-hearted < having a high heart'; determinatives/tatpurusha, such as Go. gud-hūs 'church < god-house'; descriptives/karmadhāraya, such as OHG jungfrouwe 'virgin < young woman'; 

copulatives/dvandva, such as OE suhterfæderan 'nephew and uncle' and the teen numerals, such as Go. fimftaihun 'fifteen'. The determinative and descriptive compounds are far more common in Germanic than the other two types. The presence of these in the various Germanic dialects supports the hypothesis that Proto-Germanic also included them.

In addition to their early attestation, assumption of the presence of compounds in Proto-Germanic is supported by distinctive formations in which the first element differs from its simple counterpart. 

Among examples are Go. ala-mans 'totality of human beings' in contrast with alls 'all', mana-sēþs 'mankind' in contrast with manna < *mans, midjun-gards 'inhabited world' in contrast with midja-. The second element also may differ from that of the simple form, as in Go. at-aþni 'period of a year' in contrast with aþn 'year' and anda-waírþi 'presence < equivalent worth' beside waírþs 'worth'.

Moreover, compounds may maintain elements that are lost as distinct nouns. For example, OHG deo 'servant' is maintained in NHG Demut 'humility' though not as an independent noun, for which the meaning was closer to that of the cognate of Go. þius 'servant' in OHG dio-muoti 'mood of a servant'. Similarly the English cognate of Go. waír 'man' is maintained in NE werewolf though not independently.

Grimm (repr. 1878-1898, II: 404-535) documents the compounds consisting of noun plus noun by relationship of components, and then provides an extensive list, continuing with similar presentation of those consisting of noun plus adjective (535-572) and finally of noun plus verbal element (572-580). Only a few examples will be given here. 

His category of spatial relationship corresponding to the meaning of the preposition in includes nouns like OE eorð-cyning beside which he adds Lat. rex-terrae 'earthly king'. His category of time, also with the meaning of in, includes Gothic nahta-mats 'meal in the evening'. 

His category of spatial relationship corresponding to the meaning of out of includes OHG himil-brōt, Lat. panis coeli, 'bread from heaven, manna'. His category of spatial relationship corresponding to the meaning of at, on includes Go. figgra-gulþ 'finger-ring, ring on the finger'. 

A second group of compounds is characterized by appositional relationship, as in animal and plant names indicating the species and genus, cf. Go. weina-triu, OE wīn-trēow 'vine'; another example of the group is Go. mari-sáiws 'sea'. 

After his presentation of characteristic groupings, Grimm provides an extensive alphabetical list with commentary on the characteristics of the many items cited. The list leaves little doubt that such compounds were included in the lexicon of Proto-Germanic.

In the course of time compounds became increasingly prominent, as many learnèd words were based on Greek and Latin compounds. They are treated at length in handbooks, such as Carr (1939) and Marchand (1969, with extensive bibliography). Grimm, as noted, provides similar treatment for German, as do grammars of the other Germanic dialects.

4.7. Pronominal Compounds
Pronouns are also compounded with nominal elements, such as Go. hʷē-láuþs 'how much (what shape)' and hʷi-leiks 'what kind'. The two elements are generally fused, if the word is maintained. For example, cognates of hʷi-leiks survive in ON hvī-līkr and OHG hwe-līh, but in Old English it is reduced to hwilc, thereupon to which, and in New High German to welch

Another final element that is attached to pronouns in Gothic, as in sa-ei 'he-who' and ik-ei 'I who', is assumed to be a form of the pronoun, PIE e, ei, i as in Lat. is 'he', and the further form PIE yo- 'who'. 

Similarly, the element uh or h that is added to Gothic pronouns is assumed to be related to Lat. que 'and', which also is added to pronouns, as in modifying quis 'who' to quisque 'whoever'. When uh/h is added to the demonstrative forms sa, sō, þata 'this, that', e.g. sah, sōh, þatuh, it strengthens their meaning. 

But when added to interrogatives, such as Go. hʷas 'who', it leads to a general meaning, as in hʷazuh 'everyone'; similarly, hʷarjis 'which' and hʷarjizuh 'each'. 

Another such element is Go. hun, which is added to relative pronouns as well as other words to provide an indefinite meaning, but only following a negative, as in Go. ni hʷashun 'no one'.

Compounding was also carried out by prefixing elements, such as Go. þis, the genitive singular of þata 'that', as in þis-hʷah, an indefinite pronoun meaning 'whatever' and in þis-hʷaruh 'wherever'. This element is also found in Old High German with a prefix from *aiþ, as in etheswer 'someone' and eddeswaz 'something', which is reflected in New High German as etwas 'something'. 

Similarly, the first syllable of NHG jeder 'each one' is the reflex of the accusative singular Go. áiw, OHG io 'ever'. And the negative ni, nih prefixed to the indefinite article ein, as in OHG nih-ein, has led to the New High German negative kein 'no one, nothing'. 

As these developments indicate, pronouns tend to be reduced, so that forms that may have originated in compounds later seem to be simple in structure.

4.8. Derivation of Adjectives in Comparison
Adjectives have two derived forms, a comparative and a superlative. The chief suffix to express comparison is PGmc -is-; added after the syllable of the positive with chief stress it is reflected in Gothic as -iz-, in the other dialects as -(i)r-, as in the comparative forms of PGmc jungaz, Go. jugg-, ON ungr, OE geong, OHG jung 'young': PGmc jungizo, Go. jūhiza, ON yngri, OE geongra, OHG jungiro 'younger'.

The chief suffix for forming the superlative is PGmc -isto-; for -ō-stems it has the variant -ōsto-. A second suffix is -mo- with a variant -misto-. Superlatives of PGmc jungaz and the dialect forms are as follows: PGmc jungisto, Go. jūhista, ON yngrist, OE geongrist, OHG jungist 'youngest'.

Some common adjectives have suppletive forms, as also in the other Indo-European dialects, e.g. Gk agathós 'good', ameínōn 'better', áristos 'best'. These may have been formed before comparison became paradigmatic, and then were associated with simple adjectives like the etyma of PGmc gōþ- 'good', ubil- 'evil', mikel- 'large', lītel- 'small' and a few others. 

Examples of the comparison of gōþ- are as follows: PGmc gōþ-, batizo, batisto, Go. gōþs, batiza, batista, ON góðr, betri, beztr, OE gōð, betera, betsta, OHG guot, bezziro, bezzisto 'good, better, best'.

4.9. Formation of Adverbs from Adjectives
In the early Germanic languages, adverbs were derived from adjectives by means of various suffixes. Attempts have been made to determine their source in Proto-Indo-European, as from case endings, but the case relationship is difficult to establish and accordingly the assumption of a source in particles is preferable.

The suffix ba is found in many adverbs in Gothic though not in the other dialects, e.g. glaggwaba 'diligently' and glaggwuba 'precisely'. The adjective is not attested in Gothic, but can be reconstructed as *glaggw(u)s, cf. ON glǫggr, OE glēaw, OHG glau 'clear-sighted, intelligent'. 

Like other suffixes, -ba is also added to compounds, such as forms of Go. and-áugi 'face', a compound consisting of the preposition and 'over, through' and the -ja- stem of áugō 'eye': and-áugiba 'openly'. Its source is unclear. It may be a derivative of an Indo-European particle made with -bh-, like Greek -phi.

Another more general suffix is -ō, as in Go. galeikō, ON līka, OE gilīco, OHG gilīcho 'similarly'. Compounds made with the second element leik 'body' have the ending -ō, such as Go. waírleikō 'manly', aljaleikō 'otherwise'. It is found also in Go. glaggwō 'accurately' and and-áugjō 'openly'. 

Proposals have been made to derive it from the Indo-European ablative ending -ōd, but the difference in meaning makes these unlikely. 

Many compounds are made with the second element leik 'body' and the ending -ō, such as Go. ga-leikō 'similarly', ON glīkr, OE ge-līc, OHG gi-līh, cf. NHG gleich 'at once'. The suffix has been reduced, as in NHG -lich, e.g. männlich and to NE -like, -ly, as in manlike, manly. 

Adverbs with still other endings may be cited, such as -is in Go. andwaírþis 'openly' beside andwaírþō 'at once', with the second element based on the adjective waírþs 'worth', cf. NHG vorwärts, NE forwards. 

It also has been associated with a case ending, the genitive, though with little semantic basis for the proposal.
Still other adverbs were made with the bare stem, such as Go. inn beside inna, innana 'within'; cf. ON inni, innan, OE inne, innan, OHG inna, innana 'within'. Adverbs accordingly were derived in various forms.

4.10. Conclusion: Types of Derivation and Their Semantic Development
As the sections above have indicated, the Proto-Germanic vocabulary and that of the dialects were expanded greatly through affixation, chiefly suffixation. 

Many suffixes arose from particles. Others were originally words, which were then often shortened to suffixes. As exemplified below, the suffixes gradually developed from indicating concrete meaning to indicating abstract meaning.

Derivation in Proto-Germanic through suffixation is in accordance with its basic pattern as OV. From the Active structure of early Proto-Indo-European, in which particles indicated specific meanings when accompanying nominals, a structure developed in which the particles were directly attached to nominals and verbs. Specific patterns then arose in which further such complex items were formed. 

In the early period such items indicated concrete entities, such as PGmc *haima- 'place of residence, house', Go. háims 'village', and máiþms 'gift' based on PIE meit- 'exchange'. In the course of time such suffixes typically shifted from provision of concrete meanings to that of abstract meanings as Karl von Bahder in his prize-winning work demonstrated (1880: 127-208). 

Items he cited for the later period indicated concrete entities but also abstractions, such as PGmc *faþma- 'something spread out', OE fæþm 'the embracing arms', leading to 'the extent of such a spread' as in ON faðmr 'fathom', and PGmc *sturma- 'scatterer', OE storm 'storm, battle, attack'. At a still later stage the meaning was purely abstract, as in PGmc *dōma, Go. dōms 'condition, destiny', ON dōmr, OE dōm, OHG tuom 'judgment', and *drauma, OE dream 'dream'.

Von Bahder cited many more examples, as of the developing meanings of words with -þra- from concrete to abstract meanings, such as PGmc *smerþra- 'suet', *morþra- 'murder as means of killing', *hroþra- 'fame'.

Additional examples may be found in the numerals. For example, the tens were originally expressed with a cardinal number followed by a form meaning ten, as in PIE septm-kont- '70'. 

This developed to PGmc seftunχanþ-, which was subsequently modified to Gothic sibun-tehund, where the second element still would have been interpreted as a variant of Gothic taihun 'ten', but in the other dialects further development obscured the relationship, as in ON sjau-tiger, OE seofon-tig, OHG sibunzug 'seventy'; the second element had been reduced to a form that might no longer be interpreted as a variant of a form of ten.
Efforts to account for the changes may be pursued in the grammars and dictionaries of the individual dialects. The phonological weakening has been ascribed to the strong initial stress in late Proto-Germanic and the subsequent dialects. 

The increased lexicon resulting from the expansion of the suffixes coupled with the various forms of compounding presented above may be ascribed to the increasing complexity of the culture of the Germanic speakers. 

This included the introduction of Christianity and Classical culture, which brought the production of many abstract terms. As the culture of the speakers of the Germanic language expanded, its lexicon was greatly expanded in the subsequent dialects, largely by means of derivational morphology and also by borrowing.

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