16 October 2013

Grimm's law (first Germanic soundshift~~~ why..? "pater, kardio-, tu, & frrater "= "father, heart, thou [þú] & brother"


Published, formatted, edited, commentary (in red) & images added by Kenneth S. Doig
 

Grimm's law

(From Wikipedia)Grimm's law (also known as the first-Germanic soundshift or Rask's rule), named after Jacob Grimm, is a set of statements describing the inherited Proto-Indo-European (PIE). 
 
These stop-consonants (obstruents) as they developed in Proto-Germanic (the common-ancestor of the Germanic branch of the Indo-European ["IE"= Indo-European] family) in the 1st millennium BC.  
It establishes a set of regular correspondences between early-Germanic stops and fricatives and the stop consonants of certain other centum (versus satem-IE languages) IE languages (Grimm used mostly Latin and Greek for illustration).  
 
Grimm's law consists of three parts, which must be thought of as three consecutive phases in the sense of a chain shift:  

PIE voiceless stops change into voiceless fricatives.  
PIE voiced stops become voiceless stops. 
PIE voiced aspirated stops become voiced stops or fricatives (as allophones).

The chainshift can be abstractly represented as: bʰ → b → p → ɸ dʰ → d → t → θ gʰ → g → k → x gʷʰ → gʷ → kʷ → xʷ

Here each sound moves one position to the right to take on its new soundvalue. Notice that the new soundvalue entails the loss of a feature at each of the three steps. 

First the aspiration feature is lost, then voice and finally stop leaving a continuant.

The voiced aspirated stops may have first become voiced fricatives before hardening to the voiced unaspirated stops "b", "d", and "g" under certain conditions; however, some linguists dispute this.

Grimm's law was the first non-trivial systematic soundchange to be discovered in linguistics; its formulation was a turning point in the development of linguistics. 
This enabled the introduction of a rigorous methodology to historical-linguistic research. The correspondences between Latin p and Germanic f was first noted by Friedrich von Schlegel in 1806.  
In 1818 Rasmus Christian Rask elaborated the set of correspondences to include other IE languages such as Sanskrit and Greek, and the full range of consonants involved. 
In 1822 Jacob Grimm, the elder of the Brothers Grimm, in his book Deutsche Grammatik, formulated the law as a general rule (and extended to include standard German).

Mechanics
Further changes following Grimm's law, as well as soundchanges in other IE languages, can sometimes obscure its effects. 
The most illustrative examples are used here. Note: Proto-Germanic *gʷ from Proto-Indo-European *gʷʰ has undergone further changes of various sorts. 
After *n it was preserved as *gʷ, but later changed to *g in West-Germanic, (WGmc). Following vowels, it seems to have become *w, presumably through a fricative-stage *ɣʷ. 
 
Word-initially, the most plausible reflex is a labiovelar-stop *gʷ at first, but the further development is unclear.  

In that position, it became either *w, *g or *b during late PGmc. The regular reflex before *u would likely have been *g, due to loss of the labial element before a labial-vowel.  
Perhaps the usual reflex was *b (as suggested by the connection of bid < *bidjana- and Old Irish guidid), but *w appears in certain cases (possibly through dissimilation when another labial-consonant followed?), such as in warm and wife (provided that the proposed explanations are correct). 
 
Apparently, PGmc *hʷ voiced by Verner's law fell together with this sound and developed identically, compare the words for 'she-wolf': from Middle-High German (MHG) wülbe and Old-Norse ("ON"; they mean western Old-Norse, Old-Icelandic "OI" or Old-Norwegian, "ONw") ylgr, one can reconstruct Proto-Germanic nominative-singular *wulbī, genitive-singular *wulgijōz, from earlier *wulgʷī, *wulgʷijōz.  
This is strikingly regular. Each phase involves one single change which applies equally to the labials (p, b, bʰ, f) and their equivalent dentals (t, d, dʰ, þ), velars (k, g, gʰ, h) and rounded velars (kʷ, gʷ, gʷʰ, hʷ).  
 
The first phase left the phoneme repertoire of the language without voiceless stops, the second phase filled this gap but created a new one, and so on until the chain had run its course. 
Exceptions
There are three main systematic exceptions. 
1. The voiceless stops did not become fricatives if they were preceded by *s (itself a fricative).
Non-Germanic examples Change Germanic examples
Latin: spuere, Lithuanian: spjáuti *sp English:
 spew, West Frisian: spije,
Dutch: spuwen, German:
speien, Danish, Norwegian,
 Swedish:
spy, Icelandic: spýja,
Faroese: spýggja, Gothic:
speiwan
Latin: stāre, Irish: stad, Sanskrit: sta, Russian: стать (stat'), Lithuanian: stoti, Persian: ايستادن (istâdan) *st English: stand, Icelandic,
Faroese, Norwegian: standa,
Gothic: standan; West
Frisian: stean, Dutch: staan, German: stehen, Danish,
Swedish: stå
Lithuanian: skurdus *sk English: short,
Old-High German: scurz,
Icelandic: skorta
Irish: scéal *skʷ English: scold, Icelandic: skáld,
Norwegian: skald; West Frisian: skelle, Dutch:schelden, German: schelten
 
    Note:
Some linguists dispute the origin of the word "scold", but Julius Pokorny among others proposed *skwetlo as the assumed root.
Dutch has *k → *h (ch) even after *s, though this is a separate development.

2. The voiceless stop *t did not become a fricative if preceded by another stop, but the preceding stop was generally devoiced and then fricativised. This also happened to stops before *s, but that sound was not affected by Grimm's law.

Combined with the previous exception it is therefore most convenient to say that in a series of two obstruents, the second does not become a fricative but the first does. This is sometimes treated separately under the heading Germanic spirant law: 
   Du has *k→*h (ch) even after *s, though this is a separate development. 
2. The voiceless stop *t did not become a fricative if preceded by another stop, but the preceding stop was generally devoiced and then fricativised. This also happened to stops before *s, but that sound was not affected by Grimm's law.

Combined with the previous exception it is therefore most convenient to say that in a series of two obstruents, the second does not become a fricative but the first does. This is sometimes treated separately under the heading Germanic spirant law: 
2. The voiceless stop *t did not become a fricative if preceded by another stop, but the preceding stop was generally devoiced and then fricativised. This also happened to stops before *s, but that sound was not affected by Grimm's law.
Combined with the previous exception it is therefore most convenient to say that in a series of two obstruents, the second does not become a fricative but the first does. This is sometimes treated separately under the heading Germanic spirant law: 
Combined with the previous exception it is therefore most convenient to say that in a series of two obstruents, the second does not become a fricative but the first does. This is sometimes treated separately under the heading Germanic-spirant law:
    Some linguists dispute the origin of the word "scold", but Julius Pokorny         among others proposed *skwetlo as assumed root. 
Non-Germanic examplesChangeGermanic examples
Ancient Greek: κλέπτης
(kleptēs), Old Prussian:
au-klipts "hidden"
*pt→ftGothic: hliftus
"thief"
Latin: atta,
 Greek: ἄττα
 (átta)
*tt→ttOld-High German: atto, Gothic: atta "father"
Ancient Greek: οκτώ
(oktō), Irish: ocht,
Latin: octō
*kt→htEnglish: eight,
West-Frisian,
 Dutch,
German: acht,
Gothic: ahtáu,
Icelandic: átta
(pronounced [ˈauhta])
Irish: anocht,
 Latin: nox, noct-,
Greek: νύξ, νυκτ-
(núks, nukt-),Sanskrit: नक्तम् (naktam),
Lithuanian:
 naktis, Hittite (genitive): nekuz
(pronounced /nekʷts/)
*kʷt→htEnglish: night,
West-Frisian, Dutch,
German: nacht,
 Gothic: nahts,
Icelandic: nótt
(pronounced [ˈnouht])
Note: Icelandic nótt comes from Proto-Germanic *naht-, with the /ht/ regularly becoming /tt/, which was originally pronounced [tː] before pre-aspirating. Thus, the [h] of the modern Icelandic form is not a direct descendant of ancient /h/. The same ancestry holds for the /tt/ of Icelandic átta as well.

3. The most recalcitrant set of apparent exceptions to Grimm's law, which defied linguists for a few decades, eventually received explanation from the Danish linguist Karl Verner (see the article on Verner's law for details). 
                   
(This is not necessarily an actual exception: the traditional dating of Verner's Law occurring after Grimm's would mean that the consonants affected did undergo Grimm's law, and were only changed later.) 
   
       Correspondences to PIE
The Germanic "soundlaws", combined with regular changes reconstructed for other Indo-European languages, allow one to define the expected sound correspondences between different branches of the family.
 
For example, Germanic (word-initial) *b- corresponds regularly to Latin *f-, Greek pʰ-, Sanskrit bʰ-, Slavic, Baltic or Celtic b-, etc., while Germanic *f- corresponds to Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, Slavic and Baltic p- and to zero (no initial consonant) in Celtic. The former set goes back to PIE *bʰ- (faithfully reflected in Sanskrit and modified in various ways elsewhere), and the latter set to PIE *p- (shifted in Germanic, lost in Celtic, but preserved in the other groups mentioned here).
Non-Germanic (unshifted) cognates Change Germanic (shifted) examples
Ancient Greek: πούς (poús), Latin: pēs, pedis,Sanskrit: pāda, Russian: под (pod) "under; floor", Lithuanian: pėda, Latvian pēda *p→f [ɸ] English: foot, West Frisian: foet, German: Fuß, Gothic: fōtus, Icelandic, Faroese: fótur, Danish: fod, Norwegian, Swedish: fot
Ancient Greek: τρίτος (tritos), Latin: tertius, Welsh:trydydd, Sanskrit: treta, Russian: третий (tretij), Lithuanian: trečias, Albanian: tretë *t→þ [θ] English: third, Old Frisian: thredda, Old Saxon: thriddio, Gothic: þridja, Icelandic: þriðji, Danish: tredje
Ancient Greek: κύων (kýōn), Latin: canis, Welsh: ci(pl. cwn) *k→h [x] English: hound, Dutch: hond, German: Hund, Gothic: hunds, Icelandic, Faroese: hundur, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish: hund
Latin: quod, Irish: cad, Sanskrit: kád, Russian: ко- (ko-), Lithuanian: kas *→hw [xʷ] English: what, Gothic: ƕa ("hwa"), Icelandic: hvað, Faroese: hvat, Danish:hvad, Norwegian: hva
Latin: verber "rod", Homeric Greek: ῥάβδος (rabdos) "rod, wand", Lithuanian: virbas *b→p [p] English: warp, West Frisian: werpe, Dutch: werpen, Icelandic: verpavarpa, Faroese: verpa, Gothic wairpan
Latin: decem, Greek: δέκα (déka), Irish: deich, Sanskrit: daśan, Russian: десять (desyat'), Lithuanian: dešimt *d→t [t] English: ten, Dutch: tien, Gothic: taíhun, Icelandic: tíu, Faroese: tíggju, Danish, Norwegian: ti, Swedish: tio
Latin: gelū, Greek: γελανδρός (gelandrós), Lithuanian: gelmenis, gelumà *g→k [k] English: cold, West Frisian: kâld, Dutch: koud, German: kalt, Icelandic, Faroese: kaldur, Danish: kold, Norwegian: kald, Swedish: kall
Lithuanian: gyvas *→kw [kʷ] English: quick, West Frisian: kwik, kwyk, Dutch: kwiek, Gothic: qius, Icelandic, Faroese: kvikur, Danish: kvik, Swedish: kvick, Norwegian kvikk
Sanskrit: bhrātṛ *→b [b]/[β] English: brother, West Frisian, Dutch: broeder, German: Bruder, Gothic:broþar, Icelandic, Faroese: bróðir, Danish, Swedish, Norwegian: broder
Sanskrit: mádhu 'honey', Homeric Greek: μέθυmethu *→d [d]/[ð] English: mead, East Frisian: meede, Dutch: mede, Danish/Norwegian:mjød, Icelandic: mjöður , Swedish: mjöd
Ancient Greek: χήν (khēn), Sanskrit: hamsa (swan) *→g [ɡ]/[ɣ] English: goose, West Frisian: goesguos, Dutch: gans, German: Gans, Icelandic: gæs, Faroese: gás, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish: gås
Homeric Greek: ἐάφθη (eáphthē) "sang, sounded",ὀμφή (omphē) "voice" *gʷʰ→gw [ɡʷ]
(After n)
English: sing, West Frisian: sjonge, Dutch: zingen, German: singen, Gothic: siggwan, Old Icelandic: syngvasyngja, Icelandic, Faroese:syngja, Swedish: sjunga, Danish: synge/sjunge
Sanskrit: gharmá-, Avestan: garəmó, Old Prussian:gorme *gʷʰ→gw→b, g or w
(Otherwise merged with existing g andw)
English: warm, West Frisian: waarm, Dutch, German: warm, Swedish:varm, Icelandic: varmur

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